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Many scholars have investigated the relationship between ideological orientations and mass participation, and there is also a growing number of studies comparing political attitudes and behaviour between electoral winners and losers. This article seeks to bring together these two strands of literature with respect to political participation, focusing on the interaction between citizens’ winner/loser status and ideological distance from their government. Analysis of data from 34 countries highlights the importance of this interactive effect: while previous works suggest that losers have a greater propensity to take part in political activities, it is shown here that this relationship holds true only when losers occupy a position along the left‐right spectrum distant from the government. Furthermore, while the hypothesised interactive effect is empirically confirmed for turnout, the magnitude of its impact is much greater for more costly modes of participation such as contacting, campaigning and protesting  相似文献   
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第二次西园寺公望内阁时的"增师"问题,不仅导致了西园寺内阁的垮台,也成为第一次护宪运动的导火索。文章主要分析政友会支持的首相西园寺公望和以元老山县有朋为靠山的陆军围绕这一问题所展开的较量。通过探讨内阁、军部、元老等各势力间的博弈状况,从中管窥大正民主运动前夕日本政界主要政治势力间的矛盾斗争。  相似文献   
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A large literature examines the composition of cabinets in parliamentary systems, but very little attention has been paid to the size of those cabinets. Yet not only is the size of the cabinet related to the division of portfolios that may take place, cabinet size is also related to policy outcomes. In this article, a theory of party size is considered which examines how coalition bargaining considerations, intra‐party politics and efficiency concerns affect the size of cabinets. Hypotheses derived from the theory are examined using an extensive cross‐national dataset on coalition governments which allows us to track changes in cabinet size and membership both across and within cabinets.  相似文献   
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民初活跃于中国历史舞台上的议会民主政治因与中国传统思想文化全相背离 ,再加上中国皇权主义思想的深远影响 ,作为激进民主主义思潮产物的议会民主政治不可能走得更远  相似文献   
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明初,朱元璋废除宰相。但是明成祖苦于自身能力和精力的限制,即设立内阁。内阁设立伊始便积极地向宰相转化,笔者认为其动力主要有三:统治中枢为了弥补由于废相带来的体制缺陷而不得不在组织结构上作出调整,儒家知识分子为了维持正常的纲常秩序而与君主进行博弈,千年宰相制度历史传统的招魂与人们思维定式的呼唤。  相似文献   
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Research in public policy and political economy has provided many insights in the evolution of public resistance against genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in the last two decades. But how does the partisan composition of a government, its programmatic orientation and the allocation of cabinet offices affect policy making in this specific area? We argue that the regulation of GMOs is determined by the ideological orientation of governments and the presence of parties with a specific ideological background in the cabinet. In addition, we hypothesize that the parties' control over relevant cabinet posts matter for GMO regulation. We test our hypotheses by using an innovative dataset that contains information on biotechnology regulation outputs of European governments in the time period from 1996 until 2013, the partisan composition and policy‐area specific positions of governments, and the party affiliation of key cabinet actors. The results show that the presence of a Christian democratic party in a cabinet increases the chances of a ban on biotech crops, in particular if it controls the Ministry of the Environment.  相似文献   
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Nationalism threatens to imbue modem Japan with a rationale for increased militarism.Post-war nationalism was a reason Japan had launched war abroad,but the reinvigoration of Japanese nationalism is burgeoning under two-term Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.His sense of nationalism,which has domestic and international repercussions,has developed under the influence of his family political genes.Abe's nationalism is being carried out in internal and external policies,with increasingly negative impact on domestic and regional order.The international community should remain vigilant of his right-wing politics.  相似文献   
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日本民主党首次组阁执掌日本政权,必将给日本政治生态带来重要变化。我们必须清醒地认识到,日本政治制度的制约性、社会制度的稳定性、战略思维的传承性、战略文化的影响性和战略意愿的长期性,决定了日本无论哪个党派执政,都会以日本固有的战略追求为目标进行谋划。日本的基本社会形态和传统没有变,日本的经济结构和国际地位没有变,民主党很难背离日本的基本现实而采取过激的改革,只会依据自身理念进行一些策略性调整。民主党的对华政策趋于务实,但中日关系复杂、敏感和脆弱,冲突点多,处理难度大,不能期待昔日"蜜月期"的重现。由于民主党首度执政,受党内各种因素制约和自身经验以及民意影响,其内外政策存在着很大的模糊性和不稳定性,必须加以跟踪研究,从其调整中把握发展脉搏,切忌盲目乐观。  相似文献   
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本文论述了印尼哈达内阁执政期间印尼与中国建交的国内政治背景、国际政治背景和印尼国内的华人因素。正处于从联邦共和国向印尼共和国过渡的这一政治敏感期,使右翼的哈达内阁基于印尼的根本利益选择了与中国建交。但哈达的政治立场又使印尼对华关系摇摆不定。美国反对印尼发展对华关系使印尼当局受到巨大压力,但印尼并未完全按照美国的意愿行事。印尼国内两派华人的对立,对中印(尼)关系产生了两种相反的作用力,使印尼对华关系的背景更加复杂。本文借鉴了对外政策分析的某些理论,并依据历史事实,力图对印尼领导人在中印(尼)两国关系发展中的作用做出客观公正的评价。  相似文献   
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