The most plausible pro-coercion view: requiring informed agreement while penalizing non-participation in research

In ‘(Why) should we require consent to research?’ Alan Wertheimer probes whether it is legitimate for the government to ‘coerce’ people into participating in biomedical research, including interventional biomedical research. In debating the rules that ought to govern participation in interventional biomedical research, we should distinguish two separate moral claims. First, interventional research should proceed only when the subject has given her informed agreement. Second, it is legitimate for the state to set a requirement that people participate in interventional biomedical research, and to penalize or punish those who refuse to participate. The most plausible ‘pro-coercion’ view accepts both of these claims. Though I stop short of endorsing this view, it captures important ‘pro-coercion’ and ‘anti-coercion’ intuitions.     

自白任意性规则的法律价值

新刑事诉讼法和此前“两高三部”发布的有关刑事证据的规定，确立了非法证据排除规则，但这一进步却因模糊了对威胁、引诱和欺骗取得口供的排除态度而显得 不彻底。自白任意性被忽视，主要归因于过分倚重口供的司法惯性，作为自白任意性法理基础的正当程序观念没有得到普遍认同，对秩序的偏重则是更为深层的原因。自白的证据能力若不以自白的任意性为条件，冤错案件的病灶就不能祛除，司法实践就不可能取得实质的进步。认同自白任意性规则的法律价值，不仅能为发现案件真实提供保障，更是保障刑事司法最终摆脱纠问式特征之所必需。     

受欺诈、胁迫民事法律行为效力形态的制度体系化

《民法典》颁布之前,不同民事立法对于受欺诈、胁迫的民事法律行为效力形态分别予以规定,没有实现受欺诈、胁迫的民事法律行为效力形态制度的体系化.这导致了该制度所体现的民事立法价值的不一致,也不利于对该制度的正确理解和适用.《民法典》对于受欺诈、胁迫的民事法律行为效力形态的不同规范进行有效整合,并构建了受欺诈、胁迫的民事法律...     

Reciprocity and rape: Blackness and the paradox of sexual violence

This essay expands Saidiya Hartman's unflinching paradigmatic analysis in Scenes of Subjection of the modes of historical continuity in which Black women are barred from reciprocity, recognition, and incorporation ab initio (Hartman, Saidiya V. 1997. Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America. New York: Oxford University Press.). By engaging the works of key Marxist feminist theorist Leopoldina Fortunati, I will demystify the ways in which these three homologies which non-Black women depend upon for the coherence of their complaint are parasitic on the flesh of Black women and men.     

Looking beyond the economy: Pussy Riot and the Kremlin's voting coalition

The arrest of the protest punk band Pussy Riot (PR) in March 2012 and the subsequent prosecution of three band members pose a significant puzzle for political science. Although PR's performances presented a coherent alternative to the Putin regime's image of Russian reality, it was unlikely that the discordant music and crude lyrics of their art protest would inspire Russian society to take to the streets. Yet, the regime mounted a very visible prosecution against the three young women. We argue that the trial marked a shift in the Kremlin's strategy to shape state–society relations. In the face of declining economic conditions and social unrest, the PR trial encapsulated the Kremlin's renewed focus on three related mechanisms to insure social support: coercion, alliance building, and symbolic politics. The PR trial afforded the Kremlin an important opportunity to simultaneously redefine its loyal constituency, secure the Church–state relationship, and stigmatize the opposition.     

The integration of cooptation and coercion: China’s Taiwan strategy since 2001

In the past half-decade, China has developed a careful balance of cooptative and coercive power in its attempts to dampen the Taiwan independence movement and pursue political unification. In essence, attempts to curry favor with politically relevant constituencies on Taiwan have been paired with attempts to diplomatically isolate and militarily threaten the island's top policymakers. This balance is risky because of the possibility that it may appear too lenient to PRC nationalists, and too provocative to ROC residents. Nevertheless, the current structure of carrots and sticks has emerged for three reasons. First, the institutional coherence of Chinese decision-making and implementation has allowed for the viability of an adaptive, long-term approach. Second, the constraints on both unreinforced cooptation and coercive diplomacy have mediated toward a posture in which the former is enhanced and the latter downplayed. Third, expanded external opportunities in recent years have made it possible to exploit this middle ground.     

论胁从犯中“胁迫”之认定

“胁迫”对于胁从犯的成立具有关键意义。在实践中,认定胁从犯中“胁迫”应遵循主客观相统一的标准,从外部威胁行为出发,由外及内,判断行为人是否受到精神强制。为判断精神强制的成立,可以考量威胁程度与可能性、威胁者和受迫者的个人状况、威胁行为作出的客观背景、被迫者实施犯罪的社会危害性等因素。     

香港与大陆刑法中的胁迫之比较

胁迫在香港刑法中既是某些罪的犯罪手段 ,更是刑事被告人的一种合法的辨护理由。在大陆刑法中 ,胁迫主要是作为某些罪的犯罪手段而加以规定 ,但参加犯罪若被胁迫也可导致刑事责任的减轻。比较香港大陆两地刑法中的胁迫 ,可见二者在胁迫的方式、对象、程度、紧迫性及法律后果等方面均存异同之处 ;且香港刑法中有关胁迫影响刑事责任的规范比大陆刑法中胁从犯的规定更显合理 ,可为大陆刑法所借鉴。     

强制猥亵妇女罪立法比较和特征分析

我国刑法关于强制亵妇女罪的规定反映了行为的强制性与公然性相统一的特点。体现了刑法的严厉性与宽容性相济的精神。该罪客体是复杂客体。     

Can parity of self-esteem serve as the basis of the principle of linguistic territoriality?

In this paper, I argue that Philippe Van Parijs’ argument for the principle of linguistic territoriality rests upon an unexamined and unvindicated assumption, to the effect that most situations in which smaller languages are threatened by larger ones can be assimilated to ‘colonial cases’, that is to cases in which there is injustice as between the two linguistic groups, as opposed to ‘mere number cases’, that is cases in which linguistic groups of different sizes coexist in the absence of injustice. Moreover, I argue that Van Parijs underestimates the amount of coercion that will have to be applied even within linguistically defined territories in order to avoid the erosion of the smaller language.