Beyond left and right: the eclectic populism of the Five Star Movement

Abstract

Born in 2009, the Five Star Movement (FSM) has been one of the most electorally successful European populist parties since 2013. While its classification as a populist party is unanimously accepted, some have considered it close to left-libertarian positions, others as an anti-immigrant far right party, and still others have simply deemed it as unclassifiable. This article sets out to shed light on this question, using the official documents issued by the party since 2009, posts retrieved from Grillo’s blog during three electoral campaigns, and the opinions of the party’s supporters as expressed in three surveys in 2013, 2014 and 2016. Although displaying a clear anti-establishment identity, in economic terms it presents left-of-centre positions inconsistently mixed with more conservative proposals, while on the issues of citizenship and immigration, it has an elusive positioning, mixing national securitisation and international humanitarianism. The conclusions highlight the eclectic nature of FSM’s populism.     

论未遂犯的处罚根据

世界各国的刑法大都规定了未遂犯,未遂犯为何遭受处罚即未遂犯的处罚根据则是中外刑法学者期望解开的谜团.为解开这个谜团,大陆法系出现了主观的未遂论、客观的未遂论和折中的未遂论的理论对立.主观的未遂论认为未遂犯的处罚根据是实现犯罪的行为者的意思或性格的危险性的外部表现.客观的未遂论认为未遂犯的处罚根据是惹起构成要件结果的客观危险性.折中的未遂论认为未遂犯的处罚根据在于实现犯罪的现实危险性和行为人的主观恶性.通过比较研究,我们认为折中的未遂论应是我国刑法中未遂犯的处罚根据.     

反思折中资本制——以公司资本制度的路径选择为视角

学界通说认为,折中资本制与法定资本制、授权资本制共同构成了公司资本形成制度的三种模式,然而作为一种学说,折中资本制的制度内涵和合理性尚存在可质疑和再讨论的空间。基于对折中资本制的本质研析,对比欧盟与美国公司资本制度建构的不同路径,并从制度移植的角度考察日本及我国台湾地区立法例的晚近发展,探讨资本制度的模式选择问题,从而审视我国现行资本制度的立法规制,以对我国资本制度改革提出建构意见。     

折衷授权资本制与我国公司立法

我国公司法实行的严格法定资本制已不适应市场经济发展之需要,应采用国际上通行的折衷授权资本制,引入由发行资本和授权资本两部分组成的设定资本概念。     

当前我国有限责任公司发展对法定资本制的依赖

我国目前正处于转型期,社会信用短缺。在此情境下,若法定资本制缺位,则由于其具有使投资者以有限责任公司为交易欺诈工具的诱因,故极可能导致有限公司整体信用趋劣。倘如此,则其潜在交易者的交易热情会因其对前者所产生的预期利益减少而下挫,这无疑将制约前者的发展;而若法定资本制严格施行,则能使上述情形得到相当改观。这凸显出当前我国有限公司的发展对法定资本制的依赖。因此,宜对其加以完善而不是以授权资本制或折衷资本制取而代之。     

Reinventing the Hong Kong state or rediscovering it? From low interventionism to eclectic corporatism

Abstract

The low-intervention state of Hong Kong in colonial times did not originate from strong neo-liberal ideological convictions. It was an artefact of the colonial political configuration, a pragmatic governing strategy adapting to the political and economic needs at the time. Political changes, economic restructuring, divestiture and marketization of state institutions since the 1980s had brought a new state form after 1997. A new business and professional elite class, embedded in an eclectic corporatist structure, evolved and brought multilateral, ad hoc and particularistic bargaining, leading to more sectoral intervention after 1997. Fragmented state institutions nonetheless weakened state capacity, making it difficult for the post-1997 state to be highly penetrative, transformative or developmental.