美国与德国法官选任制度之比较

美国与德国分别为两大法系的典型代表国家。两国的司法制度均显著体现其各自的历史渊源和法律文化背景 ,同时又成功地服务于法治国家的运行 ,其中许多成熟的理论与实践经验值得我们探讨和借鉴。通过对两国司法制度中的一项关键性问题———法官选任制度做比较式探讨 ,展现两国在法官选任程序与选任资格方面严格科学的制度设置 ,可为我国当前法院体制改革提供有益借鉴     

关于在村委会选举中引入诉讼救济机制的法律探讨

村民享有选举村委会成员的法定权利,但村委会选举实践中村民选举权利常常受到各种主体的非法侵害,一个重要原因在于选举诉讼救济机制的缺位。我国现行法律对村民选举权利救济制度的规定极不完善,应尽快将诉讼机制引入到村委会选举中,加强对村民选举权利的法律保护。     

印尼、马来西亚大选后的政治与经济情况述评

印尼与马来西亚是同文同种并具有共同宗教信仰的国家,国情也有许多相似之处.2004年是两国的大选年,大选后马来西亚巴达维政权稳固发展,印尼苏西洛新政府加大反贪反恐和重建经济的力度,两国将步入稳定发展时期.     

A spatial analysis of county-level outcomes in US Presidential elections: 1988–2000

This paper identifies spatial patterns of county-level presidential election outcomes from 1988 to 2000, and tests the retrospective (reward–punishment) and issue–priority models of voting behavior within the context of county-level geographical clusters. Based on our spatial analyses, we find that: the geographical concentration of the partisan vote has increased at both the global and regional scales. Globally, counties have become more likely to be clustered with similar counties in terms of their partisan support. Regionally, Democrats have increasingly received more votes from the East and the urban areas than Republican candidates while the opposite is true in the West and the rural areas. The regression analyses also support aspects of the issue–priority model of voting behavior, while the retrospective theory is confirmed only for 1996.     

Facing the future: young people's awareness of the 2001 British general election advertising campaigns

This paper presents findings from a national survey of ‘potential’ first time voters at the 2001 British general election. It investigates these young people's awareness of the advertising used by the main political parties during this election. Overall what emerges is a young electorate aware of the advertising, who were interested in the election itself and nearly half of whom say they voted in it. Consequently the findings reject the notion that young people are generically unaware of and disinterested in party political messages. In addition the findings indicate that the political parties' print advertisements—to some degree—are penetrating the first layer of young people's message processing, suggesting they are a useful aid in capturing the youth vote. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

Party knowledge and candidate knowledge: constituency campaigning and voting and the 1997 British General Election

There has been a recent resurgence of interest in the electoral impact of constituency campaigns in British General Elections. Much is now known about the electoral consequences of local campaigns on parties’ constituency vote shares. Yet more remains to be discovered about the impacts of these local campaigns on voters’ knowledge of parties and candidates. Analysis of data from the 1997 British General Election demonstrates that the local campaign is associated with improved voter knowledge of who is standing for each party in a constituency, which is, in its turn, associated with an increased chance of voting for the party in the election, other things being equal. Campaign efforts at different scales, from the national to the local, have different impacts on voters’ knowledge.     

体制精英的半官僚化与村庄选举

村庄选举是多方共同参与的政治活动.在这一活动中,体制精英因为拥有比普通村民更多的资源而居于主导地位,且由于其身份的半官僚化而结成利益联盟,从而使选举呈现出更为浓厚的精英控制色彩.     

塘沽模式:将社会性别意识纳入村民自治主流--对"提高农村妇女当选村委会成员比例政策创新示范项目"的观察与思考

国家民政部基层政权和社区建设司农村处在天津市塘沽区实施的“提高农村妇女当选村委会成员比例政策创新示范项目”(2003年6月-2004年6月)探索将社会性别意识纳入村民自治主流,即通过政策的推动改善农村妇女民主参与路径,推出了一个由政府主导、以政策干预为手段、联合社会各界共同推动农村妇女参与村民自治进程的塘沽模式。本文研究和评估了该项目的典范意义、发现和产出、推广价值以及存在的不足,提出了可持续发展的建议。     

Spinning Europe: Pro-European Union Propaganda Campaigns in Britain, 1962–1975

The impact of pro-European Union (EU) propaganda campaigns in Britain has been neglected within EU studies and in the recent work on the Europeanisation of political parties, trade unions and the British state. Bringing together the few sources of information that exist, this article documents the three government-organised pro-EU propaganda campaigns of the 1960s and 1970s. It specifically discusses the campaigns in 1962—63 to bolster public support following Britain's first application to join the EU, in 1970—71 to prepare the public for accession, and in 1974—75 to ensure continued membership in the 1975 Referendum.     

Dog Whistles and Democratic Mandates

Manipulative mixed messages from candidates to voters affect what governments are entitled to do in office. A party that wins an election gains a 'mandate to rule'. But there is a second type of mandate: a 'policy mandate' to enact specific policy proposals central to the winning party's campaign. Mixed-message politics in general can undermine policy mandates, and the use of 'dog whistle politics' - telling one group of voters one thing, while allowing or encouraging another group to believe another - makes the inferring of policy mandates especially problematic. Referendums provide only a partial remedy to dog whistle politics. Winning a clear policy mandate means forgoing dog whistle politics, despite the short term electoral advantage they may deliver.