Prisons or Problem-Solving: Does the Public Support Specialty Courts?

ABSTRACT

Recently, “problem-solving” courts have been developed as an alternative to imprisonment. They are often called “specialty” courts because they process and divert into treatment programs offenders who are seen as different from the general criminal population, such as those with mental health or drug problems, those who are homeless or veterans, and those who engage in domestic violence. Based on a 2017 national survey of 1,000 respondents, the current study examines overall public support for rehabilitation as a goal of corrections and then focuses specifically on support for different types of specialty courts. The analysis reveals that the American public endorses not only the rehabilitative ideal but also the use of problem-solving courts. Further, with only minimal variation, strong support for these courts appears to exist regardless of political orientation and sociodemographic characteristics.     

RACIAL–ETHNIC INTOLERANCE AND SUPPORT FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: A CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARISON*

This article tests cross-nationally the minority group threat thesis that public sentiments toward repressive crime-control policies reflect conflicted racial and ethnic relations. Using multiple data sets representing France, Belgium, the Netherlands, East and West Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Denmark, Great Britain, Greece, Spain, Finland, Sweden, Austria, Canada, Ireland, and Portugal, we examine whether racial and ethnic intolerance—animus, resentments, or negative sentiments toward minorities—predicts greater support for the death penalty. Our results reveal that the respondents were significantly more likely to express support for capital punishment if they were racially or ethnically intolerant while controlling for other covariates of public opinion. These findings indicate that the link between support for capital punishment and racial and ethnic animus may occur universally in countries with conflicted racial and ethnic relations.     

Australia's Political Institutions and the Corruption of Public Opinion1

This article explores structural causes for the decline in the quality of Australia's political and policy conversations. Three are nominated. The first concerns the changing role of the major party organisations. These no longer contribute to agenda setting; they are no longer forums for activist and interest mobilisation; they no longer mobilise and cue a mass base. The second structural change concerns the rise in the role of the media. This is now the primary bridge between the formal political system and the surrounding society, a role for which it is singularly ill‐equipped. The third change concerns the misalignment between the formal political system and Australian society. The formal system was formed in the early twentieth century when Australian society was broadly divided by class allegiance. Those days are long gone. Class has decomposed. A variety of new concerns differentiate and pluralise social attitudes. Possible remedies are then discussed.     

媒体对定罪量刑活动可能带来负面影响的作用机制

媒体对定罪量刑活动所带来的负面影响,主要是以舆论为中介,其作用机制表现为:媒体传播引发舆论,舆论会带来民愤与民怜两方面效果,民愤与民怜成为影响定罪量刑的两大因素。媒体对定罪量刑活动所带来的负面影响程度受刑事立法、媒体和司法制度等方面因素影响。     

论涉警舆情的引导

在当前信息传播渠道越来越多，传播速度越来越快。社会不稳定、不确定因素和各种利益诉求增多，公安工作备受人民群众和社会各界关注的情况下，涉警舆情的引导工作就显得尤为重要，它直接关系到公安机关组织领导工作的稳定与发展。但是，现阶段涉警舆情引导工作，却面临着诸如社会舆情引导手段单一、反应速度较慢等一系列问题，面对涉警舆情的新形势．我们必须积极应对，采取针对性措施，扎实有效地做好涉警舆论的正面引导工作，进一步构建和谐警民关系，维护社会和谐稳定。     

A Party of a Different Color? Race,Campaign Communication,and Party Politics

Although studies have examined the contents of party images and the impact of those images on candidate evaluations, we do not have an understanding of the conditions that lead to party image change. In this article, I examine the impact of racialized campaigns on perceptions of individuals' party images. Moreover, I explore the factors that mediate the campaigns' effects. I argue that the success of a strategy's ability to alter party images depends on the strength of the individuals' extant party images. Using the 2000 Republican National Convention as a case study, I find that party images are indeed malleable. Further, I find that race, party identification, and education mediate party image change.     

Who Toes the Party Line? Cues, Values, and Individual Differences

This article explores individual differences in citizens’ reliance on cues and values in political thinking. It uses experimental evidence to identify which citizens are likely to engage in heuristic processing and which citizens are likely to engage in systematic processing in developing opinions about a novel issue. The evidence suggests that political awareness crisply distinguishes between heuristic and systematic processors. The less politically aware rely on party cues and not on an issue-relevant value. As political awareness increases, reliance on party cues drops and reliance on an issue-relevant value rises. Need for cognition fails to yield clear results. The results suggest two routes to opinion formation: heuristic processing and systematic processing. Political awareness, not need for cognition, predicts which route citizens will take.     

论冤案的救济机制

在纠正冤案的意义十分重大。冤案纠正后的受益者首先是国家和社会，其次才是无辜者及其家属。国家应承担纠正冤案的首要责任。我们应当思考、呼吁、推动和营造一个有助于使冤案得以昭雪的制度空间。这种制度空间强调的是，以个人权利尤其是犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的权利为根本，靠制度本身的力量来纠正冤案，公开更多的冤案文本，鼓励学者们对其成因和预防等问题的研究，保护新闻媒体对冤案曝光和跟踪监督的权利。因此，需要建立冤案的救济途径，给冤案的平反昭雪以制度上的保障。在西方国家，要纠正错案总是存在很大的阻力，但是，总的说来，法治国家的伸冤机制明显优于中国。现有被告人上诉、申诉、检察院抗诉、法院主动提起再审昭雪冤案的方式之外，应当适时建立适合我国国情，能够主动发现冤案的纠错机制。     

转型期舆论引导的现实诉求及所面临的挑战

转型期舆论引导必须具备相当的公信力、精准力、传播力、表现力、接受力和契合力。面对日益复杂的社会变化,舆论引导工作需在舆情把握、舆论关注、舆论利用等方面缩小差距,确保社会健康发展。