MDMA的死后再分布及其机制

对MDMA死后再分布及其发生机制进行的动物实验和案例研究的文献,阐述MDMA死后心血浓度升高、死后通过胃肠道和气管内MDMA的再分布、MDMA在死后代谢再分布中的作用,以及死后再分布的发生机制与死后血液流动、顺浓度梯度扩散、毒物的代谢等有关的问题。     

甲维盐中毒死亡小鼠体内的分布及死后再分布

目的研究甲氨基阿维菌素苯甲酸盐(简称甲维盐)中毒死亡小鼠的致死血浓度、靶器官组织、毒物蓄积库和死后毒物再分布的特征。方法采用灌胃法建立中毒小鼠模型,动态观察急性中毒组、亚急性中毒组小鼠的主要中毒症状和临床死亡时间。观察中毒死后小鼠各器官组织病理形态学改变,应用酶联免疫吸附试验测定死后0、24、48、72h甲维盐体内分布及死后再分布,采用高效液相色谱法测定中毒小鼠的致死血浓度和死后各时间点的血中甲维盐浓度。结果中毒小鼠均在灌胃后15~30 min内依次出现神经、呼吸系统症状。急性中毒组小鼠的临床死亡时间为(45.8±7.9)min,亚急性中毒组为(8.0±1.4)d。甲维盐的急性致死血浓度范围为447.164 0~524.463 5 mg/L。光镜及荧光显微镜下各器官组织均见明显的病理改变;小鼠中毒死后72 h内,血、心、肝、脾、肺、肾及脑甲维盐浓度变化具有规律性(P0.05)。结论甲维盐中毒作用的主要靶器官为心、肝、肾、肺、脑和接触部位(胃),其主要蓄积库为肾、肝,甲维盐在小鼠体内存在死后再分布现象。     

Parallel publics? Support for income redistribution in times of economic crisis

This article investigates the dynamics of support for income redistribution in Europe. With European Social Survey data spanning 2006 to 2012, it assesses whether the Great Recession resulted in substantial parallelism or increasing polarisation in preference change across various sub‐publics. After introducing hypotheses based on claims that social groups are affected differently by economic insecurity, the article proceeds in two empirical sections. First, whereas prior research suggests that hard times fuel diverging attitudinal patterns, it is found that income groups, ideological groups and educational groups did not shift differently over time during the first years of the crisis, thus providing strong evidence for the ‘parallel publics’ hypothesis in the European context and in times of economic turmoil. Next, the article addresses the extent to which change in aggregate support for redistribution came from changes in small minorities of the population, supposed to be more responsive to their economic environment. Using multilevel analysis, it is shown that the most educated significantly contributed to the overall change more than the others. As a result, they may have been partly driving the economic mood during the first years of the Great Recession.     

Legal empowerment of the poor: with a little help from their friends?

In 2005 the initiative to create a High Level Commission on the Legal Empowerment of the Poor, to be co-chaired by Peruvian economist Hernando de Soto and former US Foreign Affairs Secretary Madeleine Albright, was launched with strong support from the Norwegian government. This article first reviews some of the debate surrounding the initiative, giving special attention to the role of Norwegian civil society organisations that questioned central assumptions of the Commission as well as its composition and working procedures. Next, the article looks at the propositions made by the Commission on the Legal Empowerment of the Poor and argues that it was very much a top-down affair that called on those in power to behave in favour of the poor and relegated organisations of the poor and civil society to a supportive role. Issues of political power thus were downplayed. This also is reflected in the fact that the question of (re)distribution of assets is hardly addressed by the Commission. Questions of power or the distribution of assets were sidestepped by focusing primarily on the legal dimension and formalisation. And, although the Commission mentions macro-economic conditions it fails to critically analyse the conditions that account for poverty and informality, which basically are attributed to legal arrangements. Such an analysis would require a (critical) political economy perspective.     

Contested paradigms of ‘viability’ in redistributive land reform: perspectives from southern Africa

This article reviews some of the salient aspects of the controversy over capitalism and the fate of Russian peasantry, among the Russian Marxists and the narodniks immediately prior to and after the Bolshevik revolution. At issue was the characterization of peasant economies. The narodniks believed that neither marginalism nor Marxism fully captured the nuances of peasant agriculture and the economic system/systems that evolved out of it; neither the market model nor class analysis adequately described the allocative and distributive processes in such economies. While nineteenth-century narodniks stressed the role of institutions based in the village community, Chayanov's twentieth-century populism stressed the organizational dynamic of peasant households within an institutional framework. Accordingly, the economics of the Chayanovian interpretation are examined from an institutional and organizational perspective. Such an exercise, it is argued, lends more credibility not only to the narodnik agenda, but also to the peasantist model of development.     

Ambivalence About Equality in the United States or, Did Tocqueville Get it Wrong and Why Does that Matter?

Alexis de Tocqueville believed that “democratic peoples’... passion for equality is ardent, insatiable, eternal, and invincible.” This article examines whether and under what conditions residents of the United States demonstrate such a commitment to equality. I show that at many points in history, Americans have indeed chosen to move toward greater justice and less oppression; however, there are clear limits to their passion for equality. White Americans endorse less social, political, and economic equality than do African Americans, but even the latter often resist equality for groups that they perceive to be threats, or for behaviors that threaten strong social or moral norms. The article discusses implications for political activists of these patterns of support for and resistance to greater equality, and suggests strategies for overcoming oppression and promoting justice.     

Politics, Altruism, and the Definition of Poverty

The history of poverty lines suggests that they are determined jointly with poverty policy in the same political game. If the definition of poverty is endogenous, however, why do altruistic voters allow poverty to persist indefinitely, as seems to be the case in real life? A simple redistribution model shows that the persistence of poverty imposes fairly strong restrictions on the nature of voter altruism. Specifically, a voter's compassion for the poor must rise as the defined severity of the poverty problem worsens. Given such preferences, political actors face incentives to define poverty as a severe problem and then to use redistribution to reduce it significantly. There is no direct incentive to eliminate poverty, however; indeed, voters may prefer a state in which policy always attacks poverty vigorously and yet never defeats it. It follows that social policy should not be judged by its success in eliminating poverty, which may be directly counter to voter interests and therefore practically impossible. Rather, we should ask whether poverty policy provides enough help to people whom voters currently consider to be poor.     

氯氮平在家兔体内死后再分布规律研究

目的阐明死后48h内家兔体内氯氮平再分布规律,为相关法医鉴定工作提供借鉴。方法取家兔15只,随机分为5组,以氯氮平灌胃,分别于死后0、6、12、24、48h取心血、外周静脉血、尿液、肝组织检测氯氮平浓度。结果家兔死亡后心血、外周静脉血、肝脏氯氮平浓度不断升高,尿液氯氮平浓度不断降低;死后早期浓度变化率大于晚期浓度变化率。死后48h心血、外周静脉血、肝脏、尿液氯氮平浓度分别为死后0h各检材氯氮平浓度的418%、193%、154%和29%。结论死亡一段时间后,提取生物检材,检测出的氯氮平浓度并不能准确反映刚死时的实际浓度。     

利益分配的国家调节——论经济法的再分配功能

国家调节是对市场缺陷和市场失灵导致的利益分配失衡现象的救济与矫正,是国家介入利益分配领域后,对市场初次分配格局中存在的缺陷的补救,是在市场分配基础上的再分配。经济法作为国家调节社会经济之法,其本质属性在于国家调节,是对利益进行的再分配。以利益分配与国家调节之间关系的探究为基础,对经济法再分配功能的内涵与意义加以分析,有利于我们更好地了解经济法的功能,并运用经济法的再分配功能为建设和谐社会服务。