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1.
Abstract: The Labour government has recently introduced uniforms for adult offenders undertaking community service as part of their community orders. There have also been calls within the youth justice arena to introduce uniforms to young offenders undertaking reparation. Through observations, interviews and questionnaires with young offenders and their supervising staff, we argue that the introduction of uniforms will be counterproductive on a number of levels. In short, it would be a retrograde step. We conclude with a suggestion on how to increase the visibility of unpaid work by offenders within the community, without the negative impact of uniforms. 相似文献
2.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(2):140-167
Abstract This article addresses the role of the university and institutions of higher learning in carrying out the mandate of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance (WCAR), held in Durban, South Africa in 2001. The active contribution of the university is anticipated in Article 98 of the Programme of Action published in the Report of the World Conference (2001), which clearly states:
We emphasize the importance and necessity of teaching about the facts and truth of the history of humankind from antiquity to the recent past, as well as of teaching about the facts and truth of the history, causes, nature and consequences of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, with a view to achieving a comprehensive and objective cognizance of the tragedies of the past. 相似文献
3.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(4):649-672
ABSTRACTAn emerging body of literature discusses how restorative justice can contribute to the response to terrorism. This paper expresses concerns about the uncritical acceptance of many orthodox assumptions about terrorism inherent in the search for a “restorative response” to terrorism. When restorative justice embraces the label “terrorism” in what appears to be a politically neutral sense, rather than opening up a critical discussion of realities of political violence and the factors that had propelled it, it may form part of the efforts designed to inculcate “truths” that help control political dissent. With its key aspiration being to restore a presumed healthy order disrupted by terrorist offences, restorative justice may be enlisted to help entrench social relations that led to the violence in the first place. The paper illustrates this danger by examining attempts to use restorative justice techniques by Spanish authorities in the aftermath of ETA or Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (“Basque Homeland and Freedom”) violence. It is argued that rather than searching for a “restorative response” to terrorism, a more adequate framework for restorative justice in the aftermath of politically motivated violence may be found within broader projects of reparation for historical injustices, remembering and political reconciliation. 相似文献
4.
Javier Corredor Maria Emma Wills-Obregon Mikel Asensio-Brouard 《Journal of Peace Education》2018,15(2):169-190
This article proposes a new of field of research in social sciences education: Historical Memory Education (HME). Despite the large amount of educational experiences following the end of violent conflicts and totalitarian regimes during the twentieth century, historical memory has not been recognized as a field in educational research. From a review of research and experiences worldwide, the authors identify a new field in education research that cannot be reduced to peace education, bullying prevention, or history education, but that takes elements from all these fields, as well as from local pedagogical experiences, to face the challenge of healing the wounds of longstanding violent conflicts. This article organizes prior research in a comprehensive framework that describes the levels, pedagogical principles, and spaces of HME. 相似文献
5.
关今华 《国家检察官学院学报》2003,11(1):31-40
精神损害赔偿是近年来我国民法界和司法界讨论的热门课题。通过分析精神损害赔偿制度确立及成因背景,探究百年来争论未定的精神损害赔偿的法哲理基础和社会功能,结合最新司法解释,重新诠释中国法律,中国精神损害赔偿制度取得了巨大进步。 相似文献
6.
随着对精神损害赔偿理论的深入研究,结合我国司法实践的需要,文章就刑事附带民事诉讼中确立精神损害赔偿的必要性、可行性以及在刑事诉讼中提起精神损害赔偿的条件、范围及精神损害赔偿的原则方面予以论述。 相似文献
7.
浅论民事侵权的精神损害赔偿问题 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
王军 《甘肃政法学院学报》2001,(4):84-86
随着社会的发展和文明的进步 ,人们越来越重视精神权利的价值 ,重视精神创伤对人格利益的损害。文章从精神损害的界定、精神损害赔偿的适用范围、精神损害赔偿标准以及改进措施等四个方面 ,对民事侵权精神损害赔偿问题进行了探讨。 相似文献
8.
The implementation of the rights of victims under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court presents momentous
challenges to the Court. Given the nature of the crimes falling under the Court's jurisdiction, victims' reparation claims
are often likely to number thousands, if not tens of thousands. Under the Statute, it is the Court's task to organize and
determine the modalities of victims' participation in the reparation proceedings. The Court is well advised to closely examine
the approaches and solutions developed by modern international and national mass claims programs that have faced similar challenges.
The paper analyses in detail these challenges and outlines the options available to the Court.
The authors are attorneys with Lalive, an international law firm based in Geneva, Switzerland. For further information see http://www.lalive.ch. 相似文献
9.
国际刑事法院被害人赔偿制度是国际刑事司法制度历史上第一次允许被害人对犯罪的个人提出赔偿要求。被害人赔偿制度在赔偿范围、赔偿程序以及赔偿执行方面均有系统而具体的规定。为这一制度服务的被害人信托基金发挥了很大作用并且在实践中取得了诸多成果。被害人赔偿制度在实现国际社会的正义与维护和平方面具有不可替代的作用。但该项制度在规则设计以及制度运行方面还存在诸多不足 相似文献
10.
Jessie Hronešová 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2016,10(3):339-360
ABSTRACTThis article explores the patterns of distribution of material reparations (compensation) for victims and veterans in post-1995 Bosnia and Herzegovina. Drawing on bottom-up approaches to reparative justice and critical peacebuilding, it explains the existing material reparation schemes in Bosnia as outcomes of the post-war transition and interests of the main transitional actors. It first explores the different approaches to war-related compensation for victim and veteran groups and then demonstrates that veterans have formed powerful pressure groups, drawing on extensive political and economic resources. Their organizations have been receiving socioeconomic support in exchange for electoral endorsement and public political support. As victims are fragmented ethno-nationally, by categories, and also lack capacities, their means to leverage the authorities for change are limited, even when matched with NGO and international support. This paper argues that unless material reparation is distributed in a transparent and consistent manner, it may create additional social cleavages and tensions. 相似文献