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1.
《Labor History》2012,53(4):392-407
ABSTRACT

The majority of studies using contemporary data report that women have a higher job satisfaction than men, and even more so in the occupations with a greater female share. This pattern, paradoxically given the lower pay of female-dominated jobs, is often attributed to women’s voluntary sorting into these occupations. In contrast, historical scholarship emphasizes the societal restrictions which shaped women’s vocational choices and the dissatisfactions with wages which led to the comparable worth movements around the world. During the 1980s, the Canadian comparable worth movement achieved momentum and instigated many legislative changes. By 1989, 6 out of 10 Canadian provinces had laws prescribing ‘equal pay for work of equal value.’ Using nationally representative Canadian data from 1989 to 1991, we examine how these legislations affected job satisfaction in pink and blue collar occupations. We find strong evidence for the higher job satisfaction of pink collar women in jurisdictions with a comparable worth legislation. The findings are discussed within the sociocultural context of the late twentieth century.  相似文献   
2.
Families using the Housing Choice Voucher Program rarely experience large gains in neighborhood or school quality when compared with unassisted poor renters. Research on housing mobility programs has reached mixed conclusions about whether vouchers can improve neighborhood and school quality, especially in the long term. We revisit these findings using new data from the partial remedy to the Thompson v. HUD desegregation case in Baltimore, known as the Baltimore Housing Mobility Program (BHMP). Through targeted vouchers, intensive counseling and innovative policy features, the BHMP helped families move to low-poverty, nonsegregated neighborhoods with higher performing school districts. We examine residential outcomes for the first 1,800 families that moved through the program for a period of up to 9 years. We find that BHMP families moved to more integrated and affluent neighborhoods, in school districts with more qualified teachers and fewer poor students—and most families stayed in these neighborhoods beyond their initial lease-up period. Eventually, a small proportion of families moved to neighborhoods that are less white, but still significantly less poor and less segregated than their original communities. We interpret these findings in light of past mobility programs and discuss policy implications for the Housing Choice Voucher Program.  相似文献   
3.
This article considers how spatial analysis of housing submarkets can advance research into residential segregation. While an emphasis on housing submarkets has been proposed as a new construct for modeling housing prices, its use in analyzing residential segregation has been limited. Recent advances in spatial analysis and geographic information systems present new opportunities for researchers to exploit the potential of housing submarkets as constructs that offer a more precise way to examine residential segregation. The article synthesizes literature related to residential segregation and housing submarkets and demonstrates how to delineate housing submarkets using publicly available data. It examines the spatial distribution of housing submarkets and how the socially disadvantaged are represented across housing submarkets in St. Louis, Missouri, and Cincinnati, Ohio, to conclude that St. Louis's housing market is more polarized and racially segregated than Cincinnati's. Spatial analysis of housing submarkets, in conjunction with archival analysis, provides a promising avenue for identifying residential segregation as a multidimensional phenomenon, and a means to explore local processes of urban inequality.  相似文献   
4.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):279-299
Burdsey examines the ways in which British Asian footballers perceive ‘race’ and racism as factors influencing their under-representation in the professional game. He argues that issues of ‘race’ and racism in football often manifest themselves in forms that are far more complex, nuanced and subtle than are recognized within dominant discourses. Using their oral testimonies, Burdsey demonstrates that the attitudes and opinions of British Asian footballers often contradict the viewpoints proposed by anti-racist football organizations and the media. In particular, for a variety of reasons, the British Asian players in this research, many of whom have first-hand experience of playing at professional clubs, do not attribute the under-representation of British Asian professional footballers to racism in the professional game. These players believe that it is necessary to examine how issues of ethnicity, ‘race’ and racism manifest themselves at the amateur levels of the game, and how this situation inhibits the progression of British Asians into professional football. At amateur levels, racism from opponents, together with the role of football clubs as symbols of ethnic identity, means that British Asian players often play in all-Asian teams and in all-Asian leagues. This restricts their opportunities for being identified and recruited by professional clubs. Finally, Burdsey analyses the use of British Asian coaches as cultural intermediaries in facilitating the inclusion of British Asians in professional football. He argues that not only can this approach be disadvantageous, but also that it is hypocritical, and thus causes offence to many British Asian players.  相似文献   
5.
ABSTRACT

One of the most controversial laws promulgated by the National Party as part of South Africa’s mid-twentieth century apartheid policies was the 1949 Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act. This Act stipulated that ‘a marriage between a European and non-European may not be solemnized, and any such marriage solemnized in contravention of the provisions of this section shall be void and of null effect’. We use more than 23,000 newly-transcribed Anglican marriage records of Cape Town for the period 1911 to 1964 to show that the Act had mostly followed, and not led, changing interracial marriage practices. In the years before the Act’s promulgation, interracial marriages were rare and on the decline, despite the fact that apartheid-era policies had not yet been institutionalized. Our results suggests that marriage behaviour in Cape Town, and probably in South Africa more generally, was shaped by racial stratification early in the twentieth century. The Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act of 1949, although devastating to those affected, was a correlate to rather than the cause of changing marriage behaviour.  相似文献   
6.
The spatial expression of urban centrality in big cities is generally associated with several urban nodes. The major purpose of this article is to identify the spatial pattern of urban sub‐centres in Mexico City during the period 1989–2009 and how changes in urban centrality have given way to a more polycentric urban structure. A double‐threshold method was used for comparing the polycentric structure of a single city over time examining the variables of number of jobs and tertiary employment density; this approach for identifying employment centres is proven in a megacity of a developing country.  相似文献   
7.
This article will argue that Zakes Mda’s 2007 novel Cion stages a dialog, one where two “Souths” – South Africa and the American South – speak to one another and give a critical voice to an under-acknowledged history of transatlantic discursive exchange on race and racial governance. Mda’s fictional South African critique, of an America still struggling with the cultural and political legacies of slavery, gestures towards a history of exchange between the two countries that in many ways is representative of a more global dialog on racial segregation during the first half of the twentieth century – of which both southern (US) segregation and apartheid are seminal examples. Moreover, this article explores various conceptualizations of race as well as the governance of racial relations as they have been articulated through ecological imaginaries, and especially between South Africa and the Southern United States over the course of the twentieth century. In this article, I argue that not only can apartheid (as well as pre-apartheid segregation) be rethought of as part of a global conversation on race and thus less as a South African anomaly, but also that the United States through its examples of various racialist technologies was highly influential across the colonial and apartheid worlds.  相似文献   
8.
中国性别工资差距实证研究综述   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文对近年来关于中国性别工资差距的实证研究作了系统综述。对每一项研究,本文都从内容、方法、使用的数据、结论等方面进行了分析,发现该领域的研究有两个发展趋势:第一,由研究男女在平均工资上的差距发展到研究他们在整个工资分布上的差距;第二,由单纯研究男女在工资方面的差距发展到研究性别工资差距与性别职业(或行业)隔离、性别劳动参与率差别等的相互关系。  相似文献   
9.
We test structural hypotheses regarding police-caused homicides of minorities. Past research has tested minority threat and community violence hypotheses. The former maintains that relatively large minority populations are subjectively perceived as threats and experience a higher incidence of police-caused homicide than whites do, the latter that higher rates of violent crime among minorities create objective threats that explain these disparities. That research has largely ignored some important issues, including: alternative specifications of the minority threat hypothesis; the place hypothesis, which maintains highly segregated minority populations are perceived as especially threatening by police; and police-caused homicide in the Hispanic population. Using data for large U.S. cities, we conducted total-incidence and group-specific analyses to address these issues. A curvilinear minority threat hypothesis was supported by the Hispanic group-specific findings, whereas the place hypothesis found strong support in both total and group-specific analyses. These results provide new insights into patterns of police-caused homicide.  相似文献   
10.
JOHN R. HIPP 《犯罪学》2011,49(3):631-665
This study tests the effect of the composition and distribution of economic resources and race/ethnicity in cities, as well as how they are geographically distributed within these cities, on crime rates during a 30‐year period. Using data on 352 cities from 1970 to 2000 in metropolitan areas that experienced a large growth in population after World War II, this study theorizes that the effect of racial/ethnic or economic segregation on crime is stronger in cities in which race/ethnicity or income are more salient (because of greater heterogeneity or inequality). We test and find that higher levels of segregation in cities with high levels of racial/ethnic heterogeneity lead to particularly high overall levels of the types of crime studied here (aggravated assaults, robberies, burglaries, and motor vehicle thefts). Similarly, higher levels of economic segregation lead to much higher levels of crime in cities with higher levels of inequality.  相似文献   
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