Taiwan: An Internal Affair! How China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy Interact on the Taiwan Issue?

Taiwan may be an internal affair but the domestic public opinion is not invited to participate very much in a debate and a decision-making process that have remained confined to the Chinese Communist Party and the military top leadership and, on purpose, involves a very small number of officials and experts. Conservative and nationalist forces do constrain Beijing’s Taiwan policy. And some leaders are tempted to use the Taiwan issue for unrelated domestic or foreign policy purpose. Nevertheless, what is striking is the potential for flexibility in China’s Taiwan policy. While Chinese local governments and companies’ increasing interests in business-as-usual in the Strait and the unbearable cost of any armed conflict tend to narrow the government’s options, concentration of power and the efficiency of the propaganda machine allow it to rather smoothly manage, in particular vis-à-vis the elites’ conservative opinion group as well as its own public opinion, this flexibility.     

中美两国太空安全领域的互动

作为第四空间的太空是国际争夺的战略制高点。中美两国在太空领域有着广泛利益,涉及其国家安全与经济繁荣以及国际声望。中美两国之间的太空关系,事关国际战略稳定与平衡。尽管两国都主张太空安全,但是中美太空安全观大相径庭,在如何确保太空安全的方式上存在巨大差异。中国在安全困境下考虑和实施太空政策,谋求太空安全;美国则是推进太空武器化,保证美国治下的太空安全。两国在太空安全领域上进行了针锋相对的较量。美国使用传统守成大国对待崛起大国的方法,不仅研发更先进的(反)太空技术,而且也禁止中美太空合作,同时拼凑同盟,封堵中国(反)太空能力的发展。与美国相比,中国应对美国太空封堵手段相对较少,只有潜心发展自己的(反)太空能力,才能确保太空资产安全和国家安全。在外交场合下,在禁止太空军备竞赛与《禁止生产用于核武器及爆炸装置的裂变材料条约》、禁止太空武器化的国际条约与自愿性质的国际太空行为规范准则两组问题上,中美两国也进行了互不妥协的对抗。为降低两国在太空安全领域的对抗烈度,中美两国开启了民用太空对话与太空安全对话机制,同时,也不排除特朗普政府未来会启用中美外交安全对话机制处理太空安全问题。     

Turmoil in Egypt – 1968–2011: the status of the armed forces in citizen uprisings in Egypt

On 15 January 2011, there occurred an unprecedented event in the annals of Arab states: for the first time, the masses revolted and ousted a local ruler. The Tunisian masses took to the streets and stayed there until Zayn al-‘ābidīn bin ‘Alī stepped down, or, rather, fled the country. Ten days after Bin ‘Alī’s fall, the masses filled the thoroughfares of Egypt's major cities and demanded the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak, who had ruled Egypt for 30 years. On 12 February 2011, after 18 days of stormy protests, Vice President Omar Suleiman announced Mubarak's resignation and announced that Mubarak's powers had been transferred to him. This paper follows the Egyptian saga in the context of the new phenomenon taking place across the Arab world – citizen revolts. It does not address the protests by Islamic opposition groups, especially the Muslim Brotherhood; instead, it offers case studies in social, economic, and ideological (one might even say, secular) contexts, not religious ones. It surveys the recent epoch-making events in the Nile region and compares them with violent demonstrations and riots in its past. The paper's importance lies in its examination of the role of the armed forces in each case and primarily in its investigation of the assertion that the broad-based uprisings seem to have written finis to the military's pivotal role in Arab states.     

略论南方三年游击战争对主力红军长征胜利的历史贡献

南方三年游击战争不仅本身意义重大,事迹悲壮,可歌可泣,而且为主力红军长征的胜利作出了重要贡献。南方红军游击队打击、消耗了进犯各苏区和游击区的国民党军队,保存了革命骨干力量,保持了党在南方八省的战略支点,为在南方开展革命斗争准备了基本条件,同时掩护和保证了主力红军的战略转移,箝制和吸引了几十万国民党军队,在战略上配合了主力红军的行动,并与主力红军长征形成相互策应的两大战场。     

中央红军长征途中在贵州召开的几次重要会议

中央红军长征途中，中共中央在贵州先后召开了黎平会议、猴场会议、遵义会议、鸡呜三省会议、苟坝会议等一系列重要会议，作出了一系列正确的决策部署，挽救了红军，挽救了党。     

井冈山斗争时期的红军兵员补充

井冈山斗争时期红军的兵员来自多种渠道，但到后期主要兵员补充来自国民党士兵。其原因在于：井冈山地区人口稀少，无法更多补充兵员；土地政策不完善，群众参加红军的积极性受影响；红军的俘虏政策好，许多被俘国民党士兵留下来。在毛泽东的正确领导下，采取了三个方面的措施对国民党的俘虏兵进行改造，即不断加强政治教育与训练、实行军内民主、执行铁的纪律，最终起到了明显的成效，并为后来加强红军及解放军建设总结了很好的经验。     

五四时期女性社会生活角色的开化

五四时期,在新的历史文化情境下,中国女性的社会生活角色出现了现代转型,这主要从新的角色期待与新的角色扮演两个层面展开,从中可见五四时期女性社会生活角色的早期现代化特性。     

党和红军奠基西北的战略选择与宁夏战役计划

宁夏战役计划是红军西征的战略任务，是三大主力会师后的作战纲领，亦是造成西北抗日新局面和中国革命新形势的重要一环。     

试论朱毛会师井冈山的历史必然性

今年是朱毛两军会师井冈山八十周年。回顾这一重大历史事件，给我们提出了许多思考。其中之一就是，朱毛两军为什么会在井冈山会师？笔者认为，这不是偶然的，有其历史必然性：中国革命敌强我弱的形势，是朱毛两军会师偏远农村的必然方向；朱德、毛泽东在创建人民军队上的一致性，成为他们会师井冈山的内在必然；秋收起义和湘南起义的失败，为朱毛两军会师井冈山提供了历史契机。     

Fourth Amendment update: the Supreme Court and strip searches: Safford Unified School District No. 1 v Redding

In light of the dramatic increase in the presence of weapons, violence, drugs, and other contraband in schools, school officials in the United States and England face significant challenges as they seek to maintain safe and orderly learning environments. Almost twenty five years after the United States Supreme Court's 1985 ruling in New Jersey v. T.L.O. allowed educational officials to search student lockers and property in order to keep schools safe, the Justices addressed the more delicate matter of strip searches for contraband such as drugs. In Safford Unified School District No. 1 v. Redding (Redding), the Court invalidated the strip search of a student for drugs but left the door open for the possibility of allowing searches for weapons under some circumstances. In light of remaining unanswered questions after Redding, this article reviews the background on the Fourth Amendment, earlier cases on student searches in American public schools, Redding in detail, and reflects on unanswered questions in its wake in the hope of shedding light on the propriety of strip searches of students.