宗教民族主义与文化解殖——近代菲律宾反教会运动浅析

反教会运动是近代菲律宾民族主义运动的重要组成部分.近代菲律宾宗教民族主义诉求的目标是推翻西班牙教会的专制统治,争取菲律宾民族的宗教自由与平等权力.菲律宾反教会运动不仅推翻了西班牙天主教会,而且确立了"政教分离"的原则,并建立了具有民族特色的菲律宾独立教会,对推动天主教在菲律宾的本土化、多元化以及文化解殖具有重要意义.     

中国古代封建统治者对宗教的管理

宗教对于中国古代封建统治者利益的影响具有两面性,既可以成为他们奴役人民的工具,也可以成为民众反抗封建压迫的工具。封建统治阶级为了维护本阶级的利益,对宗教进行严格的管理和控制。通过设置专门的管理机构,采取一系列的政策和措施,加强对汉地宗教、少数民族宗教以及外来宗教的控制,严厉打击民间地下宗教,严惩宗教队伍中的卖国分子,实现了教权依附和服从于皇权的目的。     

文化安全视域下高校宗教文化热的反思

从文化安全视域下，高校宗教文化热对高校马克思主义意识形态的稳固、高校科学精神的培养以及大学生对民族文化的认同存有负面影响。本文认为，高校党政领导和各职能部门应准确理解和把握党和政府的宗教理论和政策，从文化战略高度，加大科学无神论的研究和宣讲力度，弘扬优秀传统文化，以维护高校文化安全。     

Testing the Reciprocal Effects of Campaign Participation

Questions persist regarding the robustness of cross-sectional estimates of effects of variables that are themselves endogenous to the participation process. On one hand, the consequences of working on a campaign have interesting implications for democratic society. Less benign, however, is the possibility that failure to control for reciprocal processes leads to biased estimates of the causes of campaign participation. I use a panel of Democratic and Republican contributors interviewed following each of the past three presidential elections (1996, 2000, and 2004) to explore the relationships between campaign participation and three variables typically parameterized as predictors of participation: receiving a contact, ideological extremism, and strength of party identification. The effect of strength of party identification on campaign participation proves robust; however, I find that nearly all of the associations between contacts and participation and ideological extremism and participation appear to extend from, not into, participation and past participation.

析宗教极端主义及其对国家安全的危害

宗教极端主义是一种与宗教有密切联系的极端主义。它主要有两种类别:第一类是指宗教内部的极端主义倾向;第二类是指在宗教名义下的极端主义。宗教极端主义对国家安全的危害,主要表现在危及国家主权和领土完整,破坏国家现有政治体系、经济体系和社会秩序,干扰国家可持续发展。为此,严厉打击、有效治理这一国际公害已成为当前维护国家安全的重要任务之一。     

吧国公堂对华人宗教活动的管理

受原乡传统的影响,中国人在向印尼移民的过程中,也把传统的宗教信仰带到了印尼。自有华人定居吧城之时起,就"有人必有庙"。至元明时期,华人庙宇已遍布印尼各地,尤以吧城为盛。吧国公堂是荷兰殖民时期吧城华人处理华人社会内部诸项事务的具有半自治性质的行政和司法机构,对华人宗教活动的管理是其重要职能之一。吧国公堂名下有华人四大佛教庙宇,即观音亭、完劫寺、安恤神庙和玄天上帝庙,其中以观音亭建立时间最早、影响最大。为管理与维护上述四大寺庙,公堂设置有专门的"掌庙宇公勃低"一职,还定期安排官员轮值管理不同的寺庙。公堂对华人寺庙的管理,包括主持中元节及清明节祭祀等宗教活动、寺庙的重修与维护、募集善缘题捐、监管寺庙日常工作(包括向荷印殖民政府申请僧人移民来到吧城,负责各寺庙僧众的选任、离职和监管,监督寺庙所属土地及房屋的出租,管理寺庙所属器具,监管寺庙日常收支及处理寺庙与周边民众的纠纷等等)。在某种意义上,吧国公堂对华人宗教活动的管理是其半自治性质的一种体现。到19世纪中后期,随着荷兰殖民统治力量的增强,公堂的自治权逐渐被削弱。二战后印尼政府又对华人宗教活动进行诸多限制,于是公堂对华人宗教活动的管理权逐步丧失。1970年代印尼政府更下令将具有华族色彩的庙宇(Klenteng)改为佛寺(Vihara),并禁止华人再建新的庙宇。     

Discourses on countering violent extremism: the strategic interplay between fear and security after 9/11

This article explores the construction of extremism in media discourse, the factors driving specific constructions and the implications of these constructions for counterterrorism policy. We contend that extremism has predominantly and increasingly been framed as a security issue. This article explores the implications of this practice through the framework of securitisation. We measure the average intensity of security framing in 38,616 articles found in three major US newspapers, New York Times, Wall Street Journal and Los Angeles Times, between 20 January 1993 and 19 January 2017 comprising the Clinton, Bush and Obama presidencies, and look at factors influencing the shift in intensity over time. Through our analysis, we show that it is possible to return to a pre-9/11 discourse but that the confluence of real-world events and the strategic choices of political actors have so far prevented this from fully occurring. We then explore the effect of securitisation on public perceptions of the threat from terrorism, finding that increases in the intensity of security framing artificially increases the public’s worry about becoming a victim of terrorism. We conclude by discussing implications for the communication of counterterrorism policy and the requirements for an after, after 9/11 approach     

Greek-Cypriot teachers’ perceptions of religious education and its contribution to peace: perspectives of (in)compatibility in a divided society

This paper explores the ways in which a group of primary school teachers in Cyprus interprets religious education and its contribution to peace. In particular, this phenomenological exploratory study: first, examines how teachers perceive religious education and whether this conceptualization is considered to be (in)compatible with peace in the context of a conflict-affected society; and, second, shows some of the tensions that exist in the aims of religious education between the desire to encourage mutual understanding and exposure to religious pluralism, on the one hand, and the political demands for entrenching ethnic cleavages, on the other. Although these tensions are largely contextual, they nevertheless raise two important issues that are worthwhile to consider for religious education and peace in conflict-affected societies: first, the ‘naturalization’ of religion and religious instruction, on the one hand, vs. the recognition that some models of religious instruction (i.e. confessional teaching) might actually limit the space within which teachers can make contributions to peace, on the other; and, second, the tension between the different models of religious education within a conflict-affected society and particularly which model would strategically and politically serve best the purposes of peace in the short- and long-term.     

化解全球化过程中宗教冲突的儒学资源

全球化其实是世界上各种不同文化传统之间“趋同”与“求异”的一体两面。“求异”的根源在于不同宗教传统之间的差别 ,而如何对待宗教传统的差异 ,从而化解愈演愈烈的宗教冲突所导致的文明冲突 ,如今尤为迫切。儒学传统并非西亚一神教意义上的宗教 ,但具有独特而深厚的宗教性。其中蕴涵的“理一分殊”的多元主义宗教观 ,在明代的阳明学中趋于成熟。而这种“理一分殊”的多元主义宗教观 ,可以为化解全球化过程中的宗教冲突提供一笔丰厚的资源。     

论中国古代封建统治者对宗教的利用

从封建剥削阶级的利益出发 ,受“神道设教”实用主义宗教观的影响 ,中国古代封建统治阶级把宗教作为维护本阶级统治的工具。宗教主要被用于销蚀人民的反抗意识、神化自身统治、调处民族关系、促进对外交流以及服务于军事和外交