论弱势群体的社会经济权利

弱势群体是现实社会的客观存在。处于社会弱势地位的人群并不是社会的弃儿,他们同样是社会共同体的平等成员。对弱势群体权利的关注和保障,奠基于基本的社会价值和人性立场。在诸多权利中,对于弱势群体而言,最重要、最具实质性的是社会经济权利。     

论证明的协调性

“协调性”所蕴含的本质特征包括:匹配性、一致性、完整闭合性和动态性方面。协调作为高级表现形式的价值理由在于协调不存在对立价值。协调是平衡诸价值的价值,即价值体系中的核心,其他价值正是通过相互协调升华为一个完整的价值体系。证据群作为证据通往事实的中间环节而存在,它构成相对于单个证据更高阶的证据层面,同时又低位于最终事实,用以解决证据组合问题的一种中介性工具。证据规则的协调性包括两个方面:一是证据规则与证明事实相协调与否;二是证据规则之间相协调与否。     

潜在利益集团的规制理论:演进与重构

通过梳理传统利益集团规制理论的演进脉络,指出迄今为止的利益集团理论仍然存在几个不足,尤其缺乏对潜在利益集团的研究,规制经济学家也认为潜在利益集团没有政治影响力而将其排除于规制模型分析之外。文章试图阐明一种潜在利益集团视角下的政府规制模型,从理论上论证潜在的个体消费者如何解决集体行动困境问题,即如何完成个体利益的组织、表达和反馈等政治行动,这些问题的回答使利益集团理论从经济学回到政治学。最后提出潜在利益集团视角下政府规制的政策含义及其重点研究的四大主题。     

政治社会团体涵义辨析:概念比较

政治社会团体是现代政治生活中的重要主体,但我国学界尚未形成达成有共识的概念,有必要从相关概念的比较中辨析其内涵。政治社团是社会团体的一种,但需要区分社团的政治性和政治性社团,也需要对利益集团和与之关联的既得利益集团等术语进行严格界定。结合我国现实,政治社会团体就是指其利益代表地位获得了国家认可、承担一定公共职能,并制度化地参与到公共事务管理中的社会团体。     

来自HMONG人的思考--读《跨国苗族研究--民族与国家的边界》

本文对石茂明博士的新著《跨国苗族研究———民族与国家的边界》进行了一定的评述。在评价该著重要的学术价值同时,还指出了其中存在的一些不足。     

优先：刑事被害人权益保护的理念重塑

以往刑法学、犯罪学理论由于将＂国家权益＂或＂被告人权益＂等诸多权益凌驾于＂被害人权益＂之上产生的悖论在现实表明：被害人权益保护的地位未得到合理的重视。或者说,在诸多权益权衡之间,被害人权益总是不得不让位于其他权益,然而只有被害人权益保护才是刑事法治中具有终极意义的根本正义。因此,在出现被害人权益与其他权益出现冲突的情况下,必须坚持被害人权益保护的实质优先性,实现最初的人本关怀。     

民国时期弱势群体的法律保护

弱势群体是一个社会当中相对脆弱的群体。在民国社会特定的背景之下，灾荒逃民、战乱流民、失业游民及老幼病残等人构成了民国社会的弱势群体，他们的生存状态堪忧，严重影响了当时的社会稳定。对此，民国政府作出了必的回应，采取措施，开展立法，建立机构，与社会民众一道共同推进弱势群体保护事业，确保社会稳定发展。民国政府在开展弱势群体保护的过程中，表现出保护对象的广泛性、救济措施的主动性、政府民间的合力性等特色，值得当下的我们进一步考察和分析。     

Conjuring up the next attack: the future-orientedness of terror and the counterterrorist imagination

Although terrorism is widely understood to be the politically motivated creation of fear by means of violence in a target group, the nature of that fear is seldom explained or even considered. The present article attempts to close that gap by proposing a definition of terror as the apprehension of (more) violence to come. Because every terrorist act is perceived to be part of a potential series, terror is oriented towards the future and involves the imaginary anticipation of prospective events. On the basis of this definition, I will examine the problematical role of counterterrorist discourse. As the statements of public officials and security experts in the run-up to, and during, the “War on Terror” demonstrate, the peculiar dynamic of terror is, seemingly paradoxically, reinforced by counterterrorist rhetoric. With its insistence on the escalatory nature of terrorist violence and its repeated prediction of even worse attacks, counterterrorism contributes to the evocation of terror in the sense proposed here.     

试论弱势群体与社会公正

当今社会,弱势群体问题已引起社会各界的广为关注,但人们在对弱势群体的认识上还缺乏一种社会公正的理念,致使在处理和对待有关弱势群体的问题上有失公允。社会公正应首先体现在社会权利的平等上,其次要处理好公平与效率的关系,最后要解决的是起点公平和机会均等。     

Experiencing the war “of” terror: a call to the critical terrorism studies community

ABSTRACT

The Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) community has produced an important volume of work assessing and critiquing epistemological understandings of the War on (of) Terror. Largely missing from this body of work, however, is the experience of those who are directly impacted by the policies of this global phenomenon. By rethinking the War on Terror as an experience of war, I posit a wider understanding, by reassessing its temporal and spatial boundaries, but more significantly, the ways in which it is experienced. By providing a wider understanding of war and expanding our knowledge of its boundaries, I am able to show that those impacted by the policies of the War on Terror can claim to have been subject to an experience of war, even when that experience takes place outside of the war zone. This reflection, however, serves a larger purpose, which is to act as a call to the CTS community to centre the lived experiences of those impacted by the War on Terror in their work and decision-making when engaging with policy and policymakers. This represents a call for an ethical re-centring of CTS scholars to the violence of the War “of” Terror, by reminding us of the many ways in which harm can occur.