南岛语民族与中国古代越人和濮人的关系

许多学者在探讨南岛语民族的起源时,都认为这个民族群体与中国古代的越人有关系,还有人认为与越人和濮人都有关系。我的看法是,今天的南岛语民族的先民并不是直接源自中国古籍中提到的越人和濮人,只是与越人和濮人有着共同的祖先。在南岛语民族或广义的马来人这个群体中,体质特征较为古老的“原始马来人”形成较早,他们与濮人的祖先有密切的关系;而有着较高文化的、体质特征与壮侗语言诸民族相似的“续至马来人”则与古代越人的祖先有着密切的关系。但是,不能说今天的南岛语民族直接源自中国古籍中提到的越人和濮人。     

从传播学视角看当前高校学报编辑的办刊理念

在当前高校学报改革、发展的形势下,学报编辑特别是地方性、行业性高校学报的编辑,要认识学报的传媒性质,树立受众需求至上、加强问题研究、重视深层传播效果的办刊理念,走内涵式发展的道路.     

对上海市民政局主管的社会团体及民办非企业单位的调查与思考

民政社团指的是由民政局直接主管的社团及民办非企业单位。通过对上海市民政局主管的社会团体及民办非企业单位的调查，发现了其中存在的诸多问题，提出了若干对策。     

推进民族地区文化体制改革

文化体制改革是民族文化发展的一项紧迫任务。民族地区文化体制改革要抓住机遇 ,理顺关系 ,发挥政府宏观调控作用 ,深化文化企事业单位内部改革 ,推进文化创新     

城市群体空间：演化机理与发展趋向

城市群体空间是经济和城市自然演化的必然结果。在新的历史条件下,城市群体空间呈现三大发展趋向:大城市的深度拓展与中、小城市的强势整合;城市群产业链与产业集群并行不悖,交错发展;城市空间形态由纵向的中心地模式向对等结网的网络城市转化。当前加速我国城市群体空间发展的关键在于,发挥城市群规划对其发展的指导作用。以城市群体总体规划为基础,从调整结构和强化联系两个层面加强空间管理,加速空间整合和协调发展。     

Elite and Everyday Social Contracts in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Pathways to Forging a National Social Contract?

ABSTRACT

The Dayton Peace Agreement ended the violence in Bosnia–Herzegovina, however, it also solidified antagonistic political identities leading to the creation of two social contracts: an ‘elite social contract’ involving primarily political elites of the main ethnic groups and an ‘everyday social contract’ involving ordinary citizens trying to manage a complex social and economic environment. The first social contract is hegemonic, however, alternative, non-nationalist views are slowly emerging. Grassroots groups, the surviving remnants of inter-ethnic coexistence, the integrating pull of market forces and the presence of a large diaspora all constitute resources for the creation of a resilient national social contract.     

Strategic or Principled? The Engagement of Civil Society Organizations with the EU

This article links the literature on the Europeanization of civil society organizations (CSOs) with the literature on the contribution CSOs can make to democracy in the EU. To do so, it asks which are the pull factors that support CSOs’ Europeanization: are they mostly strategic and linked to where law-making and the money are? Or are they likewise linked to a desire to contribute to EU democracy? To explore this question, the article looks at agricultural, environmental and anti-poverty groups and combines fresh qualitative with quantitative data. The findings suggest that we need to distinguish strategic Europeanization, on the one hand, from the identification with supranational democracy, on the other. They also show that the most Europeanized organizations need not be the most interested in EU democracy, whereas organizations with a comparatively low degree of Europeanization can still be interested in EU democracy.     

Conceptualising the policy engagement of interest groups: Involvement,access and prominence

While much progress has been made in empirically mapping and analysing a variety of interest group activities in the last decade, less attention has been devoted to conceptual work that clearly defines and distinguishes different forms of policy engagement. This article contributes to this endeavour by developing a theoretical framework that explicitly links currently available measures of the policy engagement of groups to the distinct concepts of group involvement, access and prominence. It argues that greater conceptual clarity will lead to better accumulation of knowledge in the sub‐field and a better understanding of the role of interest groups in political systems.     

Do Civil Wars,Coups and Riots Have the Same Structural Determinants?

The literature on political instability focuses on institutional and leader survival or outcomes like civil wars and coups. We suggest that this approach overlooks lower levels of instability and that isolating outcomes understates the likelihood that they are manifestations of similar structural determinants. We extend the notion of instability to encompass jointly but distinctly civil wars, coups, and riots. Our explanation focuses on the role of political institutions and the related ethnopolitical strife over state power. Using data from 1950 to 2007, we find that the three outcomes share some determinants such as a factional partial democracy and the exclusion from power of a large proportion of the population; the inverted U-shaped effect of political institutions is driven by a subset of semidemocracies; and there is a substitution relationship between civil wars and coups emerging from the composition of governing coalitions.     

Goals and tactics of President Gerald Ford's ethnic politics

This article analyzes initiatives of Gerald Ford's presidential administration toward nationalities or the so-called white ethnics against the backdrop of the legacy of Richard Nixon and the Republican Party's ethnic politics of the 1960s. Using archival and interview materials, it demonstrates that Gerald Ford intended to improve the relationship between the President's office and the ethnics who were involved in the Republican Party's structures. He consciously tried to respond to ethnics’ political concerns and even created a special position on his staff for working with the nationalities. While in office and during the election campaign of 1976, Ford succeeded in engaging the ethnics and in demonstrating his will to address their needs on the domestic “front.” He failed, however, to fully appreciate the importance of foreign policy to the nationalities. The article proposes that today, as in the 1970s, the American political establishment would benefit from recognizing international issues as crucial elements of white ethnics’ or nationalities’ political behavior.