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1.
印尼贫困问题研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在发展中国家,由于生产力水平低下,政府腐败无能,分配不公等原因,贫困就像一座大山,压得广大中下层人民喘不过气来.如何消除贫困既是一个经济问题,更是一个社会政治问题,一个国家的政府如果不能有效地解决贫困问题,没有能力让广大人民群众过上衣食无忧的日子,那么,这个政府就没有资格执政.所以,在广大发展中国家,衡量一个政府是好政府还是坏政府,首要的标准,就是看她是否真正有能力解决贫困问题,是否真正有能力解决人民群众的吃饭穿衣等民生问题.  相似文献   
2.
The transparency of the securities market reveals the extent of transaction information transmission to traders. According to the relative trading position, it can be divided into pre-trade transparency and post-trade transparency. Using Shanghai Stock market high frequency trading data, this paper builds an econometric model and analyzes the market effect of two important changing pre-trading transparency events. The empirical result hows that the pre-trade transparency changing has no significant effect on market liquidity. The expansion from 3-layer bid-and-ask price to 5-layer obviously lifts the stock price, leading to the U-shape change in volatility and trading volume. However, the 5-layer bid-and-ask price expansion to 10-layer in level 2 shows no significant effect.  相似文献   
3.
The literature on electoral volatility and the literature on electoral campaigns hold contradictory views on voters switching vote (intention) during the campaign. In this note, we shed new light on this contradiction, making two contributions. First, we investigate the extent to which stable and volatile voters choose the correct party. Second, we distinguish levels of correct voting and the impact of the act of switching on the correctness of the vote. Our analyses of vote-switching in American elections show that, while volatile voters are less likely to vote correctly, they are more likely to switch from an incorrect to the correct party than vice versa. Furthermore, we show that following the campaign more closely makes voters more likely to switch vote (intention) towards the correct party.  相似文献   
4.
For a number of decades now, scholars have been indicating that ties between citizens and parties are eroding. As a consequence, electoral behaviour has become more volatile and also more unpredictable. The consequences of this process of change on parties’ strategic behaviour have, however, received little attention. In this article, the impact of dealignment on parties’ strategic behaviour is examined, with the focus being on the extent to which parties are responsive to the mean voter. The expectation of dealignment allowing parties ‘to move around more freely’ leads to the hypothesis that parties are more responsive in a context of dealignment. The analyses provide evidence that is in line with this expectation. Ideological responsiveness is conditioned by the level of volatility in the electorate. The conclusion to draw from these results is that dealignment, which profoundly affects voters’ behaviour, leads parties to become more responsive to the mean voter.  相似文献   
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正THE Chinese government has recently launched antimonopoly probes against foreign corporate giants such as Microsoft,Mercedes-Benz and Audi.Some Western media outlets have interpreted the investigations as suppression of foreign enterprises.Although expected,these reactions are unreasonable in the light of evidence.China’s restrictions on monopolies are no more extreme than those practiced by other major economies,and in some ways are more lenient.When foreign companies violate laws,the Chinese government is obliged to step in  相似文献   
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The EU's strategy for Russia since the end of the cold war has to a large extent failed, and the direct consequences are the currently deadlocked EU-Russia relationship. There are three reasons for this: the EU and Russia's respective strength and status relative to each other have been changing since the beginning of this century; the EU's strategy towards Russia has been more fragmenting in recently years; and the American factor. The EU-Russia relations could continue to be in poor shape in the years to come, and it is very likely sometimes even further worsening. But the two sides would refrain from extreme measures and prevent their relations from sliding into real cold war.  相似文献   
9.
ABSTRACT

In this paper, Rheindorf and Wodak provide a discourse-historical analysis of extreme-right cultural politics in Austria, ranging from the blatant racism in the speeches of Vienna’s former Deputy Mayor Johann Gudenus (now MP in the Austrian parliament) to the construction of an idealized national body in the election campaigns of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), its programmatic agenda in handbooks and pamphlets, and the performances of far-right pop singer Andreas Gabalier. Rheindorf and Wodak argue that such cultural politics use a wide spectrum of discursive strategies both inside and outside established party politics and that the accompanying production of an ideal extreme-right subject is informed by nativist ideology. The cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that the cultural politics of the Austrian extreme right ranges from appropriated national symbols to coded National Socialist iconography. These politics pervasively construct a gendered and racialized national body, policed by a ‘strict father’ and nurtured by a ‘self-sacrificing mother’, vis-à-vis an apocalyptic threat scenario identified with migration, intellectual and political elites, cosmopolitanism and progressive gender politics.  相似文献   
10.
How can one explain the significant vote losses of mainstream parties across Europe in recent years? In this article, it is argued that mainstream party convergence is an important determinant of the recent political and electoral volatility in European party systems. More specifically, it is hypothesised that as mainstream parties converge on the left-right scale, voters will switch from supporting a mainstream party to a non-mainstream party in the next election as they look for an alternative that better represents their ideological views. To test these theoretical expectations, data is combined from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the Manifestos Project for nearly 15,000 vote choices of individual voters in 30 elections in 16 West and East European countries from 2001 until 2013. The findings have important implications for understanding the recent rise of non-mainstream parties, the changing nature of party systems and the increasing complexity of cabinet formation across Europe.  相似文献   
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