高校扩招应与经济社会发展相适应

高校扩招使教育投资不足、教育不公、学生就业困难等问题凸现,高校扩招要结合我国的国情,与经济社会发展相适应。要实现教育兴国,就必须保证国家财政对教育的投资。教育不公是最大的社会不公,要从制定政策入手解决。大学是培养高级建设人才的学府,必须提高质量。     

The Making of a Corporatist State in Hong Kong: The Road to Sectoral Intervention

Extant Hong Kong studies have under-stated the corporatist nature of the Hong Kong state. From the 1980s, as part of its political strategy, the Chinese government had helped to build a corporatist state in Hong Kong that incorporated various sectoral elites, leading to a change in the role of the state after 1997. Through an empirical study of the behaviour of functional constituency legislators and policy outputs after 1997, this article shows that the functional constituencies as a corporatist structure introduced many sector-oriented demands. These sectoral representatives lobbied for favourable polices, increased representation for their sectors, and more state resources. This drove the post-1997 Hong Kong state to sectoral intervention, as resources were diverted to selected sectors, creating new legitimacy problems for the regime.     

Raising a big tent: Internal party composition and leadership selectorate expansion

The trend amongst many parties toward the inclusion of rank-and-file members in the leadership selection process has often been attributed to opposition status and electoral defeat. However, these explanations are typical events for parties and hardly seem sufficient for party elites to willingly cede their authority over the selection of party leaders. This paper proposes that the electoral regionalization of the party contributes to the decision to expand the leadership selectorate. In the event a party is defeated to an extent in which their support is reduced to its regional base, this situation necessitates the bringing in of new voices to avoid further marginalization. This paper finds that regionalization plays a significant role in the decision of parties to expand leadership selectorates and that the role of opposition status and electoral setbacks have been overstated.     

中东欧国家与冷战后北约的新变化

冷战结束后,北约并未因对手的消失而瓦解,而是通过扩大组织、出台新战略和实施新行动找到生存依据并获得新的发展。在北约的新扩大、新战略和新行动中,中东欧国家不管是主动参与还是被动接受,都起到了不可低估的作用。中东欧国家的加入令北约成员国从16个增至30个,拓展了北约的疆域。东欧剧变带来的国际局势的变化,特别是前南斯拉夫地区发生的战争促使北约提出新的战略概念,波黑战争、科索沃战争和马其顿危机更是成为北约新战略的试验场。中东欧国家参与了北约在波黑、科索沃、阿富汗和伊拉克的行动以及乌克兰危机发生后针对俄罗斯的军事部署,做出独有的贡献。同时,中东欧国家的加入也给北约在决策效率、行动能力、责任分担和价值观方面带来新的挑战。不过,由于中东欧国家的军事力量和国家实力有限,在北约内部的影响力不大,这些挑战不足以危及北约的生存。     

应然与实然——刑事被追诉人知情权的现状评析及其扩展

刑事被追诉人(即犯罪嫌疑人、被告人)知情权(或称知悉权)是伴随程序主体地位的确立而提出来的.现代刑事诉讼理念要求在诉讼构造的设计方面,努力追求控辩双方的平等对抗.结合我国的刑事司法实践,就需要强化被追诉人的防御权体系,以追求攻防的相对均衡,而知情权则是这一防御权体系的前提和基础.我国现行的刑事诉讼法关于被追诉人知情权的规定尚存不足,需要强化并改进.对被追诉人知情权的探讨离不开对现有法律规定的分析,需要从实然与应然的角度做出评析,不仅要明确知情权,而且还要保障知情权的实现.     

So Close,but so Far? The Davies Commission and the Contested Politics of UK Airport Expansion

Aviation expansion and the construction of a third runway at Heathrow airport is firmly back on the political agenda. Yet, the stark fact remains that a growing list of British governments has been unable to engineer a partial or temporary policy settlement in aviation. In exploring the challenges of reaching such a settlement, this article characterises the shifting and contested political and policy contexts of UK aviation. It begins by exploring the ‘wicked issue’ of aviation expansion before foregrounding how the politics of air travel is riven by competing policy frames, fragmented governance and the absence of gatekeepers. It argues that the Davies Commission and its efforts to remove aviation from the domain of partisan politics provided little more than a temporary respite for government. It thus concludes by questioning whether the May government's expansion proposals will succeed this time around, outlining how the contributions in this collection address the themes and issues of this overriding policy puzzle.     

庭前会议的功能定位与实践反思--以B市40个刑事案件为样本

按照刑事诉讼法和相关规范性文件的设定,刑事庭前会议主要解决程序性争议,基本功能是归纳控辩争议焦点,确定法庭调查范围;拓展功能衍生为推动案件繁简分流,规范撤回起诉程序,协商确定审判方式。通过对B市40个刑事案件的实证分析发现,庭前会议解决程序性争议的功能有限,庭前会议与庭审程序的关系不明,"大庭前会议、小庭审程序"现象值得警惕,制度设计与实践操作存在一定的紧张关系。未来要谨防庭前会议替代、削弱正式庭审,避免辩护权弱化、庭审虚化等不良倾向,回归庭前会议功能,推动庭审实质化。     

进攻性联盟、模糊性威慑与AUKUS的战略性扩张

2021年9月15日,美国、英国和澳大利亚建立三边安全伙伴关系(AUKUS)。美英澳三国基于追求权力最大化、改变既有国际秩序的扩张性动机,构建进攻性联盟。美国企图巩固印太地区霸权;英国试图提升印太地区影响力,推动“全球英国”构想;澳大利亚希图扩张在印太地区的威慑力,强化南太平洋区域强国地位。AUKUS的威慑功能具有模糊性,主要体现在威慑对象及触发条件的模糊性。其模糊性威慑主要包括模糊性威慑的信号功能、震慑功能、作战功能、信息和情报共享功能、军工合作功能。AUKUS通过模糊性威慑功能实现美国在印太地区的战略性扩张;威胁中国国家安全和阻挠中国统一进程;诱使印度深化与三国战略合作;引发东盟国家意见分歧;加速欧盟防务自主进程;削弱国际核不扩散机制,恶化地区安全形势,对全球及地区安全局势产生消极影响。     

浅议民事判决既判力主观范围的扩张

既判力是一国司法判决权威的表现,而既判力主观范围（即既判力人的范围）,确定的判决不是无限制地对任何人都有约束力。既判力原则上只对民事诉讼中双方当事人有效,在特定情况下,其也会向案外第三人扩张,包括当事人的继受人、占有诉讼标的物的第三人、诉讼担当时之利益归属主体。这种适度的扩张是司法理论和司法实践与社会现实情况相适应的必然结果。     

超越与突破：未成年人刑事检察工作机制研究——兼及未成年人刑事案件公诉体系的构建

未成年人刑事检察机构的专门化和独立化只是未成年人刑事检察业务一体化的前提，未检职能的一体化，即未检业务的承办以实行同一办案组（或承办人）全程负责的“一站式”处理为原则，以特殊未检案件的“小分站式”处理为例外，才是未检业务一体化的核心和未检制度改革的关键。而由未成年人刑事司法原则所决定，未成年人刑事案件的社会调查工作，实行由检察机关启动、委托司法局下设的社会矫正机构具体实施的方式，不仅合法，而且更为科学合理。而未检运行目标的社会化，则应当成为我国未成年人刑事案件公诉体系重构的方向。