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1.
Abstract

Recent contributions to the comparative political economy literature claim that liberal market economies are vulnerable to asset booms and busts because of financial deregulation, shrinking welfare states and a political ideology emphasising financial self-sufficiency. This article examines the rapid expansion of mortgage lending in three coordinated market economies (CMEs): Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands. This expansion is puzzling given that all three countries are CMEs with generous welfare states. Yet the pattern of mortgage lending resembles the Anglo-Saxon or liberal market economies (LMEs) more than other CMEs. The article argues that mortgage bubbles in the small CMEs emerged as the unintended outcome of pairing neoliberal programmes to expand home ownership with collectivist housing institutions. This resulted in supply restrictions and rising property values which saddled households with extraordinarily high mortgage debts. In short, mortgage credit bubbles are not unique to Anglo-liberal welfare states and may have different origins.  相似文献   
2.
从思想学术角度看,从马克思到邓小平的马克思主义全球化理论是一脉相承的有机整体,其核心理念是:全球化是难以阻挡的历史趋势;全球化进程由资本主义所开创并由资本主义生产方式所主导,它对非西方社会的发展道路和前途会产生重要影响;融入全球体系是任何国家工业化和现代化发展的必要前提条件;社会主义只有开放才能存在,只有在与资本主义全球经济体系的联系中才能得到发展。  相似文献   
3.
吉布森和格雷汉姆作为西方马克思主义女权主义者,在其合著《资本主义的终结》中从女权主义的角度,运用了后结构主义的认识论和方法论解构了原本对资本主义的认识方式。主张打破资本主义/非资本主义二元对立中资本主义类似于男性的等级优势和霸权地位,寻求性别和阶级的多样化联合,力图解构全球化中假定的资本主义一统天下的男性霸权。  相似文献   
4.
正确评价社会主义实践,是坚定社会主义信念的必要前提;正确分析苏东剧变的根本原因.有利于坚定社会主义的必胜信念:正确理解社会主义必然代替资本主义的客观规律.则是坚定社会主义信念的理论基础。  相似文献   
5.
Using international data for 100 countries, we test two hypotheses derived from Bonger's Marxian theory of crime. The analyses support the hypothesis that the degree of capitalism significantly predicts homicide rates, but they fail to confirm that the de‐moralization of the population (loss of moral feelings for others) mediates the relationship between capitalism and homicide. Although capitalism is not the best predictor among those considered, overall, the results underline the importance of Bonger's ideas because both capitalism and corruption (our indicator of de‐moralization) show reasonably strong relationships with homicide rates and compete with other variables commonly used as predictors of international homicide rates. The results confirm the usefulness of attempting to subject Marxian ideas to positivist, quantitative tests, with an eye to integrating Marxian theories with other mainstream theories, such as institutional anomie theory.  相似文献   
6.
郭榛树 《桂海论丛》2003,19(2):66-68
市场经济的平等主要是原则上的交换平等.但由于种种原因,在结果上、事实上又是不平等的.社会主义市场经济具有市场经济的一般共性,因此也必然存在着事实上的不平等.但它的社会主义性质决定了它必须保证市场前提、过程和结果应有的公平.  相似文献   
7.
当前的全球化需要理性的约束和调整,因而国际法治具有重要的意义。国际法治分为“国际良法”和“全球善治”两个方面,但是当代国际法还远没有达到这两个标准,存在着国际法不成体系、规避国际法、司法体制的选择性、国际立法的导向性、国际行政机关的弊病等多方面的问题。但是人类的目前状态意味着有必要在当前的体系上进行改革和发展,向国际法治的真正实现作出努力。  相似文献   
8.
The paper argues that given the diversity of the field of forcedmigration, research requires a multi-disciplinary approach andan awareness of the multiplicity of interacting factors whichcome into play. It examines two key texts published 20 yearsapart which exemplify the linkages approach. Imposing Aid (1986)studied the developing situation in Sudan as refugees arrivedfrom Uganda in the early 1980s, and showed the unproductivenature of interactions between officials and refugees. Landscapeof Hope and Despair (2005) examined the situation of Palestiniansin refugee camps, where the refugees’ own agency comesup against the structural constraints of camp administrationand the political actions of local and international power holders.  相似文献   
9.
全球化进程中的政治教育   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
全球化趋势使人类日益结成为一利益共同体,要求人类树立全球意识,要求学校政治教育培养学生的全球意识。虽然全球化进程使人类的共同利益日益增加,但国家、民族仍然是构成人类的基本单位,国家利益仍然存在,因而进行爱国主义教育在当代仍有存在的必然性和合理性。学校政治教育既引导学生认识全人类共同利益和国家利益的统一性,又应引导学生把握全球化时代国家主权的新特点。在全球化进程中,民族问题更加尖锐和复杂,在这种情况下,人们应正确认识和处理民族问题,学校应对新一代进行正确的民族观教育。  相似文献   
10.
The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.  相似文献   
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