大众文化与形上追求

形上追求是人类与生俱来的一种求知冲动 ,更是一种寻找精神寄托和灵魂安顿的渴望。但是 ,这种追求和冲动几乎是从一开始就在被怀疑论消解着。从苏格拉底到 2 0世纪的语言哲学及后现代主义哲学 ,西方哲学对形上追求的怀疑和消解从来没有停止过 ,大众文化的兴起更为这种消解提供了现实的文化土壤和依据。但是 ,形上追求作为一种本体性冲动是不会停止的 ,因为它表达的是人的超越需要。随着人们的生活质量和品位的提高 ,形上追求必然会重新成为人们关注的问题。     

论增强党的阶级基础、扩大党的群众基础的必要性

在新世纪 ,增强党的阶级基础、扩大党的群众基础是建设有中国特色社会主义事业的必然要求 ;是改革开放以来我国社会阶级、阶层发生深刻变化带来的新要求 ;是新世纪加强党的建设的根本要求。     

高等院校扩大招生后引起的思考

本文就高等学校扩大招生后在社会上和高校内部引起的反响,进行了深入分析和探讨,指出关键是如何处理好数量增加与质量提高,规模扩大与结构合理等一系列问题,使中国的高等教育早日步入大众化教育阶段。     

¡Que se Vayan Todos! Popular Insurrection and the Asambleas Barriales in Argentina

In December 2001, Argentina experienced a decisive crisis. A financial collapse accelerated by the massive flight of capital and the IMF denial of a new loan was followed by a popular insurrection which, by putting forward the slogan ¡ que se vayan todos, que no quede ni uno solo ! forced the resignation of national authorities. Whilst Duhalde's provisional government is negotiating the conditions for international financial support, faced with inflation and the rise of the dollar exchange rate, social mobilisation is expanding in new forms. This paper argues that the popular insurrection of December 2001 opened a space for the reinvention of the political as negative politics, the asambleas barriales constituting one example of this.     

Zombies,Gender, and Student Active Learning

Abstract

While the use of active learning exercises and the incorporation of popular culture in the classroom have increased in recent years, the study of potential gendered effects on learning and engagement when it comes to these practices has been limited. In this study, data are collected from international politics courses using a zombie outbreak as the theme for a United Nations simulation to explore whether there are unintentional gendered outcomes from these activities. Contrary to expectations of previous literature, no statistical differences manifest between men and women in enjoyment and learning when using zombie themes in active learning.     

大众文化对马克思主义意识形态话语权的影响及对策研究

大众文化对马克思主义意识形态话语权有解构力,也有再创造力。在大众文化崛起的时代,推进马克思主义的中国化、时代化和大众化是捍卫马克思主义意识形态的话语权并展现出其深厚的文化软实力的根本所在。     

Working Girls: Femininity and Entrapment in Peyton Place and Valley of the Dolls

Jacqueline Susann's Valley of the Dolls (1966) and Grace Metalious's Peyton Place (1956) are novels that have long exerted a powerful hold on the popular imagination. The bestselling Peyton Place was adapted into a successful film in 1957 before becoming an iconic television series, running from 1964 to 1969. Valley of the Dolls was similarly re-imagined in two films, Valley of the Dolls (1967) and Beyond the Valley of the Dolls (1970), which, even today, retain a cult following. These books are typically remembered for their scandalous bringing to light of such ‘taboo’ issues as adultery, abortion, female sexuality and sexual abuse. But this article suggests that Peyton Place and Valley of the Dolls are equally preoccupied with a sympathetic examination of the role of women in the post-war workplace. In both of these novels, the process of female self-fashioning is integrally related to a woman's entry into the workforce, and to the making and controlling of her own money. But this entry into the male-dominated workforce is inherently fraught with danger, and Metalious and Susann expose some of the myriad ways in which the so-called ‘American Dream’ is contingent on the entrapment, suppression and regulation of various forms of female desire and agency.     

The legacy of subalternity and Gramsci’s national–popular: populist discourse in the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse.     

Five years after the Arab Spring: a critical evaluation

A new political geography has emerged in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) after the Arab Spring. The transformative impact of the popular upheavals appeared to put an end to long-term authoritarian regimes. Today, the region is far from stable since authoritarian resilience violently pushed back popular demands for good governance and is pushing to restore former state structures. However, the collective consciousness of the popular revolts endures, and a transformative prospect may emerge on the horizon. The chaotic situation is the result of an ongoing struggle between those who seek change and transformation and others in favour of the status quo ante. A critical evaluation of the Arab Spring after five years indicates a continuous process of recalculation and recalibration of policies and strategies. There are alternative routes for an eventual settlement in the MENA region, which are in competition against both regional and transregional quests for a favourable order.     

Labour and the Culture Wars of Modern Politics

Anyone who attempts to understand and reverse the major defeat suffered by Labour in the December 2019 general election needs first to appreciate why comparisons with the defeats of the 1980s are so unhelpful. In 1983 Labour was all but wiped out across southern England, but held on comfortably across the ‘red wall’. By contrast, in 2019 Labour did well in cities and university towns across the south, and appears to have solved its historic problem with the southern, educated middle class. However, this has been at the expense of alienating working class voters across the country, not just in its former industrial heartlands. But this is not inevitable. A reanalysis of testimony from hundreds of interviews with working people across England from the 1940s onwards allows insights into attitudes and values that are often obscured by survey techniques. Crucially, it points to a broad-based vernacular liberalism at odds with the culture wars model of a terminal crisis for social democracy.