反思国际法效力根据"协调意志"的意识形态性

国际法的效力根据在于所谓各国意志之间的协议,即"协调意志"说.但是,"协调意志"说的意识形态性与现代国际法理论及发展趋势存在冲突,与国际社会和国际法的发展存在不和谐之处,"协调意志"说的意识形态性在一定程度上使国际法发展的推动力受到削弱,损害了国际法作为一个学科体系的生命力.因此,我们应以开放的态度对待国际法,不应局限在某一狭隘的、群体的范围内,使其更有利于国际社会和全人类的发展.     

英美法系与中国的法人越权原则之异同

法人越权是指法人的行为超出了章程规定的目的范围。其中如何平衡投资者、法人及交易相对人的利益是关键问题。研究英美法系的主要国家对法人越权问题的研究发展状况 ,可以对我国应采取的措施有些启示     

Age Adjustment and Recall Bias in the Analysis of Domestic Violence Data: Methodological Improvements Through the Application of Survival Analysis Methods

This methodological paper presents the utility of survival analysis methods to provide age adjustment in the analysis of domestic violence data. These methods improve the estimation of lifetime probability of domestic violence, improve identification of patterns of first victimization over the lifespan, and provide methods of testing risk factors for first victimization while adjusting for the respondents' age. Most importantly, these methods allow a new investigation of recall bias. Results suggest that lifetime probability of abuse may have been substantially underestimated in previous studies because of problems in recall/disclosure encountered by middle-aged women.     

论担保物权期间的效力

新出台的《担保法》解释基于物权法定主义规定当事人约定的担保期间无效。物权法虽以物权法定主义原则作基石却亦有意思自治之空间 ,物权法定主义仅指物权的种类和内容由法律规定 ,当事人不得自由创设 ,于此之外 ,应为当事人自治之领域 ,担保期间的约定就属当事人自治之范畴。承认当事人约定的担保物权期间的效力能够提高担保的信用 ,更好的发挥担保制度的立法功能 ,同时也能使当事人充分实现意思自治 ,体现民法的私法本质。故此 ,立法应当承认当事人约定的担保物权期间的效力。     

试论婚内强奸(下)

从婚内无"奸"到婚内有"奸",经历了一个漫长的过程.然而在现代社会,婚内强奸行为是否构成犯罪?这已成为当前社会探讨的焦点问题.婚姻关系存续期间的男女两性关系的特殊性和已婚妇女相对于丈夫是否享有性的自由权利以及我国是否具备将婚内强奸行为认定为强奸罪的社会基础都将成为决定婚内强奸行为是否构成强奸罪的决定因素.     

Autocratic legitimation in Iran: Ali Khamenei’s discourse on regime “insiders” and “outsiders”

The article analyses Ali Khamenei’s discourse on insiders and outsiders in the Islamic Republic of Iran, arguing that it shows the leader of an electoral revolutionary regime striving to counter elite fragmentation and growing democratic demands. It studies identity demarcation as a tool of autocratic legitimation. In a political system where the possibility to access political positions depends on supporting a belief-system, all cadres share a basic identity, which rulers can exploit to draw boundaries between “us” and “them”. The analysis reveals how Iran’s leader capitalizes on the existence of an insider-outsider divide to promote ideas about an imagined “we” of the regime. The “we” is portrayed as an Islamic we, fully committed to his rule. The article maintains that Khamenei developed this discourse in response to the challenge of the Iranian reform movement. It analyses, first, the context in which the discourse emerged and, second, the discursive strategy itself, to substantiate the claim. It concludes that the discourse had two essential aims in the containment (1997–2003) and crushing (2009–2010) of the pro-democracy reformist and Green movements: to de-legitimate Khamenei’s opponents through othering and to legitimate the counter-mobilization of repressive agents.     

Five years after the Arab Spring: a critical evaluation

A new political geography has emerged in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) after the Arab Spring. The transformative impact of the popular upheavals appeared to put an end to long-term authoritarian regimes. Today, the region is far from stable since authoritarian resilience violently pushed back popular demands for good governance and is pushing to restore former state structures. However, the collective consciousness of the popular revolts endures, and a transformative prospect may emerge on the horizon. The chaotic situation is the result of an ongoing struggle between those who seek change and transformation and others in favour of the status quo ante. A critical evaluation of the Arab Spring after five years indicates a continuous process of recalculation and recalibration of policies and strategies. There are alternative routes for an eventual settlement in the MENA region, which are in competition against both regional and transregional quests for a favourable order.     

The Worst Is Not over Yet: The Lives and Deaths of the ‘Self’ and ‘Others’ in Brazil's Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic

This paper focuses on the politics of life and death in Bolsonaro's Brazil during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is argued that while this administration, and the president himself, have long supported violence against individuals and social groups they did not see as fully human, their response to the pandemic marked a public transition from valuing certain kinds of lives as opposed to others, to a general contempt for human lives. The paper explores this transition by discussing the reification of the economy to the detriment of the people who produce and consume.     

区分随意殴打型寻衅滋事罪与故意伤害罪之司法困境与出路

故意伤害与随意殴打型寻衅滋事的区分，根据现有理论，难以有效指导司法实践，本文通过分析随意殴打型寻衅滋事罪认定的困境主要在于司法解释对该种类型寻衅滋事罪的规定过于笼统和模糊，从而保护的法益、客观行为和主要要素三个方面分析产生这种困境的深层次原因，最后提出解决困境的路径，即跳出过分强调二者区别的思维定式。以二者所保护的法益为指导，运用想象竞合犯的理论进行执法判断。     

浅议我国意思表示错误制度

意思表示错误涉及法律行为和私法自治的核心,对其具体规制体现了私法自治和信赖保护之间的价值平衡。与大陆法系的其他国家相比,我国的意思表示错误在制度构造、构成要件与法律效果方面,既有其创新优点又存在着诸多不足。