社会主义政治文明建设和政治文化创新

社会主义政治文明概念的提出，使人们获得了研究社会主义文明发展的新视点，这就是文化的视点、文化和文明发展的历史视点。要正确认识政治文明发展中的文化继承和超越、拒绝和借鉴问题以及文化发展中同一性与差异性的关系，从而。适应时代要求，推进政治文化创新。在中国，社会主义政治文明建设的关键是中国共产党在政治思想和政治理论上的创新，是党能否把政治思想和政治理论创新的成果转化成制度创新的实践。     

加入WTO与中国内外资企业法律制度分析

审视我国现行的内外资企业法律制度,其与市场经济法治要求有一定的距离,并且存在着诸多与 WTO 规则相背离的地方。我们应本着经济立法是对客观经济规律地正确反映的指导思想,制定反映我国社会主义市场经济要求的内外资企业法律制度。     

Australia's Political Institutions and the Corruption of Public Opinion1

This article explores structural causes for the decline in the quality of Australia's political and policy conversations. Three are nominated. The first concerns the changing role of the major party organisations. These no longer contribute to agenda setting; they are no longer forums for activist and interest mobilisation; they no longer mobilise and cue a mass base. The second structural change concerns the rise in the role of the media. This is now the primary bridge between the formal political system and the surrounding society, a role for which it is singularly ill‐equipped. The third change concerns the misalignment between the formal political system and Australian society. The formal system was formed in the early twentieth century when Australian society was broadly divided by class allegiance. Those days are long gone. Class has decomposed. A variety of new concerns differentiate and pluralise social attitudes. Possible remedies are then discussed.     

中国经济结构演进的动因探讨

推动中国经济结构不断演进的主要动力来自三个方面:政府主导的渐进式制度变迁;以技术创新、技术引进和技术扩散为主要内容的技术进步,以及深刻变革的国内国际分工体系。因此,中国经济结构半个多世纪以来一直处于不断调整的非均衡状态。     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.     

提高工科学生科研创新能力的几点思考

大学应培养出具有创新精神和创新能力的人才,以适应当前及未来社会的需要。该文在分析学生科研创新能力的现状和存在问题的基础上,提出了如何提高学生科研创新能力的几点意见,以此促进学生科研创新能力的提高。     

影响高校二级学院德育评价制度建设的原因及对策

高校二级学院德育评价制度是我国高校德育管理制度建设中的一个薄弱环节。本文分析了影响高校学院德育评价制度建设的主要原因，提出了相应的对策建议，为推进高校德育评价制度建设提供有益思路。     

新时期加强高等学校规章制度建设的基本思路

高校规章制度是我国教育法律法规体系的重要补充,规章制度体系的完善是法律法规在高校统一实施的保障。在高等教育格局重大调整基本完成和“入世”的新形势下,加强高校规章制度建设有着重要的现实意义。当前,制定程序不规范、内容不当或违法、适用和解释比较混乱以及结构和技术性差错较多等,是高校规章制度建设工作的主要问题。加强规章制度建设,首先是观念的转变,其次应该规范制定程序以及规章制度的适用和解释,同时还应该加强规章制度清理工作。     

对公安本科教育的思考

在公安正规化学历教育形势大好的情况下,我们也应清醒地看到,国内除了公安部所属的警察学院开办本科教育方面有一定的历史、经验和积累外,其他省市公安院校的升本均是沿着培训、中专、大专、本科这样一条途径走过来的。因而,应从专升本后学院的培养目标、教材选用、教材教法进行研究和提升,才能使公安本科教育取得突破性进展。     

Pre-electoral coalitions in comparative perspective: A test of existing hypotheses

Despite the vast coalition literature, pre-electoral coalitions have never been at the center of any systematic, cross-national research. Given their prevalence and potential impact on government composition and policies, this represents a serious omission in our knowledge of coalitions. I begin to remedy this situation by testing two hypotheses found in the literature on party coalitions. The first is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form in disproportional systems if there are a sufficiently large number of parties. The second is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form if voters face high uncertainty about the identity of future governments. These hypotheses are tested using a new dataset comprising legislative elections in 22 advanced industrialized countries between 1946 and 1998. The results of the statistical analysis support the first hypothesis, but not the second.