论民主转型中的政治价值重构

近期,一些国家通过街头政治的方式迅速地实现了民主转型。但是,这种＂转型＂是不稳定的,存在许多隐患。民主转型的实质是民主的信念和价值的最终确立。处在转型过程中的社会,其以往的政治价值必然同民主的价值发生激烈的冲突。在不断的相互碰撞中,双方互相吸取彼此的思想要素,最终形成一种具有本国特色的主流政治价值。但价值不是空洞的口号,一定的制度体现着价值的内涵,同时制度也形塑着价值。政治价值重构的结果最终会带来政治体制的改变。本文认为,在政治价值重构的问题上,需要形成被民众接受的权威,政府与社会之间形成互相纠错机制,尤其是要协调民主价值与学习西方具体制度这二者的关系。     

The Politics of Pain: A Political Institutionalist Analysis of Crime Victims' Moral Protests

Like the new social movements, crime victim movements were part of broad cultural struggles to redefine the character of social order in the late twentieth century. Motivated by pain and outrage over criminal victimization, they were engaged in highly charged moral protests over the rights and duties of state government and the relative value of human life. This article argues that the degree to which crime victims were part of a retributive movement—the restriction of criminal offenders' rights and liberties—or part of a restorative movement to repair victims' well-being depended on the political context in which they were operating, specifically the structure of the democratic process. The case studies suggest that a context with a high degree of democratization but intensive social polarization was more likely to deepen crime victims' demands for vengeance as well as provide their legal and political expression, while a context with intensive civic engagement but well-developed social trust and norms of reciprocity was more likely to bring about pragmatic measures, intermixing restorative and restrictive approaches to criminal victimization. This article seeks to extend the literature on political institutionalism by integrating the structural constraints of institutions with the power of human agency.     

Marginalizing Revolutionaries in Egypt’s Civil State Debate

After President Hosni Mubarak was overthrown on February 11, 2011, competing narratives emerged about the Egyptian civil state during the formulation of the 2012 and 2014 constitutions. Arguably, the army’s political domination and the Islamic–secular rivalry were behind the marginalization of young activists, militants in social movements, and many other civilians known as revolutionaries who took part in the January 25 Revolution, during the formulation of both constitutions.

The following offers two new perspectives in the analysis of peaceful democratic transition in Egypt after the revolution. First, it relies on the analysis of the different actors’ discourses about civil state in order to show how both constitutions overlooked the revolutionaries’ vision and impeded peaceful democratic transition. Second, it addresses the civil state debate on which writings related to democratic transition in the Middle East remained silent and rather focusing on military–Islamist relations, the political economy of post-revolutionary regimes, and alliance shifts in foreign policy.     

After the Crash: A Perspective on Multilevel European Democracy

From a social‐market perspective, European integration has reduced the capacity of democratic politics to deal with the challenges of global capitalism, and it has contributed to rising social inequality. The article summarises the institutional asymmetries which have done most to constrain democratic political choices and to shift the balance between capital, labour and the state: the priority of negative over positive integration and of monetary integration over political and social integration. It will then explain why efforts to democratise European politics will not be able to overcome these asymmetries and why politically feasible reforms will not be able to remove them. On the speculative assumption that the aftermath of a deep crisis might indeed create the window of opportunity for a political re‐foundation of European integration, the concluding section will outline institutional ground rules that might facilitate democratic political action at both European and national levels.     

Parliamentary Consociationalism in Lebanon: Equal Citizenry vs. Quotated Confessionalism

This article sheds light on the governance dilemma in a deeply divided post-conflict Lebanese sectarian society undergoing democratic transition. It assesses consociational democracy as a working model institutionalised by Lebanon in light of the country's composition of multiple religious minorities. In particular, it focuses on the political forces shaping the current Lebanese National Assembly (parliament) within the confessional structure and analyses the prospect and impasses confronting the development of a stable and representative assembly. Analysis of the Lebanese parliament is made in light of five assessment areas identified as fundamental for the emergence of a stable democratic institution: political will and domestic support, representation, lawmaking, oversight, and management and infrastructure. After revealing the deep-rooted deficiency of quota-based confessional representation, the article provides institutional transitional reform recommendations that could increase the likelihood for the legislature to better fulfil the critical functions of representation, oversight, and lawmaking vital for democratic transition. The realisation of consociational democracy in Lebanon, the article argues, would require the eventual adoption of proportional representation as a means of moving the country from a ‘confessionally quotated’ to ‘equal citizenry’ based representation.     

信任与政治合法性

信任是主体与主体、主体与客体间的互信关系、依赖关系、合作关系以及承诺与践行关系.以信任为基础的政治合法性能够产生社会和谐,政治合法性只有以信任为前提,才能增强人们之间的信任关系,形成信任与政治合法性的互动双赢格局.本文以信任为切入点,以信任的视域检视政治合法性,以期从中梳理信任与政治合法性的内在关联,从而前瞻其对中国未来政治发展的影响和意义.     

试论“四位一体”的统一基础

“经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设”是在“以人为本”的基础上形成的有机的“四位一体”。坚持“以人为本”，建设社会主义市场经济，是为了切实实现好、维护好、发展好最广大人民群众作为国家主人的根本经济利益；坚持“以人为本”，建设社会主义民主政治，是为了切实实现好、维护好、发展好最广大人民群众作为国家主人的根本政治利益；坚持“以人为本”，建设社会主义先进文化，是为了切实实现好、维护好、发展好最广大人民群众作为国家主人的根本文化利益；坚持“以人为本”，建设社会主义和谐社会，是为了切实实现好、维护好、发展好最广大人民群众作为国家主人的根本社会利益。     

规范网络政治参与：现代民主政治发展的新思路

网络在中国的迅猛发展,深刻地影响着公民的政治参与程度和热情,推进了现代民主政治的发展进程。本文从网络政治参与的内涵和特点入手,客观地分析了网络政治参与给我国民主政治建设、政治稳定等方面带来的双重影响,并提出规范网络政治参与的对策。     

试论转型期中国行政法制度的变迁

随着改革开放的不断深入,中国的政治、经济、文化以及法制都进入了转型时期,其中政治体制改革对于国家发展和社会生活产生了巨大影响.行政法制度属于政治体制的一个重要部分,它的变迁反映出了中国政治体制中长期存在的诸多问题.本文分析了处于转型期的中国行政法制度变迁的类型、影响因素和社会环境,并对转型期中国行政法制度的变迁提出了相关建议.     

以人权为核心度量发展的四个维度

人权是发展的根本目的,也是发展的手段。缺失人权精神的滋养,发展就会丧失方向,失去灵魂。发展是一个扩展人权的全面过程,包括政治、经济、社会和文化发展四个维度,要知悉发展的"质量"如何,就必须以人权为基点进行度量。以政治权、经济权、社会权和文化权四项基本人权来度量发展的四个维度,是一个"四位一体"的复杂的相互关联体系,是一个全新的、相当重要却长期被人忽视的评价标准模型。     

协商民主能否成为可能——自由、平等与理性之于协商民主

20世纪最后20年,一种新型的民主理论——协商民主在西方政治学界开始兴起、发展,并成为人们讨论研究聚集的焦点。作为一种可能的新型民主,面临着许多挑战,何以成为可能或者说能否成为可能成为人们争论的焦点,这一问题值得我们认真思考。基于此,从一种自由、平等、理性分析的视角来看,协商民主能够化解自由与秩序的矛盾,维护社会的平等和正义,能够在公开的理性下实现政治的合法性,解决现有民主制度的困境与挑战,是确实能够实现的政治理想。     

Legitimate Force in a Particularistic Democracy: Street Police and Outlaw Legislators in the Republic of China on Taiwan

This article explores a “particularistic” concept of legitimacy important to Taiwanese democracy. This form of legitimacy, I suggest, has been instrumental for Taiwan's successful democratic consolidation in the absence of the rule of law. As evidence, I combine ethnographic observation of neighborhood police work with historical consideration of a type of political figure emergent in the process of democratic reform, which I call the “outlaw legislator.” I focus my analysis on the institutional and ideological processes articulating local policing into the wider political field. The center of these processes is a mode of popular representation that positions the outlaw legislator as a crucial hinge articulating the particularistic local order with central state powers. By analyzing the cultural content of the dramaturgical work used to reconcile low policing with higher‐level state operations, this article shows how a particularistic idiom of legitimacy helps hold Taiwanese democracy together.     

The Strange Revival of Bicameralism

The turn of the twenty-first century witnessed a surprising reversal of the long-observed trend towards the disappearance of second chambers in unitary states, with 28 countries – all but one of them unitary – adopting the bicameral system. This article explores this development by first setting it in the context of the historical evolution of second chambers and the arguments that support bicameralism, and then exploring the characteristics that distinguish today's second chambers from first chambers. A ‘census’ of second chambers in 2014 is used to provide data on second chambers in federal and unitary states, to facilitate comparison with earlier data, and to distinguish between ‘new’ and longer-established second chambers. The article concludes that newly established second chambers are concentrated predominantly in political systems where liberal democratic principles are not established, suggesting that the debate over their role in democratic states is set to continue.     

Liberalism and Minority Rights. An Interview

The interview focuses on Kymlicka's major area of research, i.e., the issue of minority rights. Kymlicka explains why the rights of national minorities have been traditionally neglected in the Western political tradition. He argues that these rights promote individual freedom, and so should be seen as promoting liberal democratic principles. The interview covers many issues including the relationship between ethno-cultural groups and other forms of "identity politics"; how to individuate cultural groups with legitimate claims to minority rights; whether something like a "cosmopolitan view" can seriously challenge the need for minority rights; what are the dangers of building transnational political institutions such as the EU for democratic citizenship; what are the bases of social unity in multination states and what are the limits of toleration of illiberal minorities.     

Do female legislators have different policy priorities than their male colleagues in an undemocratic/semi-democratic legislature? The case of Hong Kong

This article investigates the impacts of democratic transition on gender outcomes in Hong Kong, which has a unique path of transition. The author studies whether democratic transition in Hong Kong since the mid-1980s has brought positive gender outcomes. Specifically, this article examines the extent to which Hong Kong’s female legislators acted for women’s interests from 1970 to 2012. The study finds that after the introduction of legislative elections, female legislators were more likely to represent women’s interests than male legislators. Apart from gender, the study also finds that political orientation of a legislator significantly affected legislator policy priorities and/or gender outcome. Liberal legislators proposed significantly more motions related to women’s interests than conservative legislators. Finally, the study highlights that as the legislature was transited from an undemocratic to a semi-democratic body, legislators were significantly more likely to propose motions related to women’s interests.     

困境与重构：对我国政府问责制的再思考

建构政府问责制是基于民主授权关系和社会基准价值所形成的对政府及其官员行为的制度规范和道德规范的必然要求,是当代中国政治文明建设中的创新举措。本文从政治哲学、公共行政学、政治经济学和社会资本等诸多层面分析了政府问责制的内在逻辑及其合理性。但由于制度供给不足、实践层次较低、监督弱化及公共行政文化带有滞后性等因素的存在,使我国的政府问责制在现实中面临许多困境。对此,我们应着力完善政府问责制的立法,强化监督机制,引入政府绩效评估,建设新型行政文化,从而建构起科学合理的政府问责制,实现其应有的价值和功能。     

Progress, Unity, and Democracy: Dissolving Political Parties in Turkey

In this article, I analyze two cases where the Turkish Constitutional Court dissolved political parties during the 1990s. Specifically, I examine the cases against the Islamist Refah (Welfare/Well-Being) Party and the pro-Kurdish Halkin Emek Partisi (People's Labor Party). While the former was charged with threatening the secular basis of the national social order, the charges against the latter were around its allegedly separatist character. I engage in an in-depth analysis of the lines of argument in the indictments, arguments of defense deployed by the parties, and their ultimate contestations as they appeared in the final decisions by the Court. I see the Court as engaging with a medley of themes and tendencies, [trying to resolve them for the case at hand]. I argue that despite the differences in the construction of the alleged threats, in both cases the Court deployed a similar image of the ways in which social, political, and judicial terrains interact. A rather arbitrary boundary between the political and cultural domains informs these decisions. The Court operates with the understanding that once this boundary is transgressed, what may be harmless when an issue is cultural—such as the use of the headscarf or of the Kurdish language—may turn into a political symbol threatening the basis of the united, democratic, and progressive nation-state. In this vision, the concepts of democracy, progress, and unity are intimately tied together such that the threat to one of these concepts almost simultaneously constitutes a threat to the other two. The Court imagines itself as protecting the boundary between the political and cultural domains in an effort to uphold the right of a democracy to protect itself. This line of thought also enables the court's rather routine involvement in the political domain—which has brought about eighteen decisions for political party dissolution since 1980.     

乡镇政府治理模式的历史演变及其现代取向——基于农民政治参与的视角

新中国成立60多年来,我国农民政治参与在不同时期以不同的参与方式影响着乡镇政府治理模式的形成。当下,浙江台州乡镇治理转型的现代探索——民主协商下善治式乡镇政府的本质特征在于,乡镇政府与农民对农村社会公共生活的共同管理,它既体现了政治国家与公民社会的一种新型关系,同时也使国家与农村社会在乡镇治理中达成全面、积极和有效的合作,进而实现了官治与民治的契合共治。     

改革完善选举制度,扩大公民有序政治参与

公民政治参与是现代社会民主制度赖以存在的基础,也是民主政治的特征之一。选举是公民政治参与的重要形式,改革完善人大选举制度和村民委员会选举制度,对于发展社会主义民主政治,保证人民当家作主具有重要意义。     

从公民参与看东亚民主转型

西方演进型民主的发展历史,昭示出自下而上的力量在通往民主的道路上扮演了不可或缺的角色。这种力量表现在民主运动中便是公民以不同形式对民主政治的参与。东亚国家和地区在民主转型过程中同样体现了这样一种趋势。民主参与不仅是一种政治活动,还是公民的基本权利,即参政权。转型社会的参与类型较为复杂,主要包括制度性参与、合法的非制度性参与和非法的参与。在权威政体松动、开始推行民主化之后,公民会逐渐远离非法的制度外参与。