胡志明思想与越南女性解放问题

胡志明是越南人民的伟大领袖,在越南人民中具有崇高的威望,为越南的革命事业贡献了毕生的精力,他一生发表了很多言论、论著和指示,这些论著后来被越南人民运用于实践中,并称之为“胡志明思想”。胡志明思想涉及越南社会的各个领域,有外交思想、军事思想、民运思想、民族思想、女性解放思想……其中女性解放思想是胡志明思想的重要组成部分,它在过去和现在都对越南的女性解放运动发挥着积极的指导作用。一、胡志明关于女性解放问题的观点1.女性的“半边天”作用胡志明主席一贯重视女性解放运动,他最早发现并肯定越南女性在民族解放斗争中的决…     

胡志明思想的概念和体系

在胡志明思想的指导下,我国人民取得了“八月革命”和不屈不挠的抗法、抗美救国战争的胜利,光荣地结束了越南民族为争取民族独立和祖国统一而进行的长达100多年的英勇顽强的斗争。然而,直到1991年6月,党的七届全国代表大会才正式把胡志明思想确定为我党的“思想基石和行     

“欲成大事业,精神更要大”——纪念胡志明主席在广西出狱四十周年,重读《“狱中日记”诗抄》

广西与越南山水相连。在越南人民为争取独立而进行的长期,艰苦的斗争中,广西曾经是越南革命的一个基地。本世纪三十、四十年代,胡志明主席和其他许多越南革命者,常常在广西进行革命活动。胡志明主席的《“狱中日记”诗抄》,是1942年至1943年间,他被国民党反动派关押于广西各地监狱时写下的。今年9月10日,是胡志明主席在广西出狱四十周年。我们重读胡志明主席的《“狱中日记”诗抄》,受到了深刻的教育,也激起了我们对这位越南人民的伟大领袖,中国人民的好朋友的无限怀念和崇敬之情。     

胡志明的民主治理观

基于马克思列宁主义关于民主的观点以及凭自己的政治敏感,胡志明对民主以及民主治理这一议题具有独特的见解。可以认为,属于人民、民治以及为人民的政府是胡志明的民主政治的核心思想。尽管胡志明没有使用过民主治理这一术语,但是其内涵已突出地体现在他的思想当中。本文旨在梳理和分析胡志明关于民主政府的观点,并指出其对当代越南民主治理实现的重大意义。     

胡志明的道德观

本文介绍了越南人民的领袖胡志明关于道德问题的论述,胡志明用一生的实践和行动体现了一位无产阶级革命家的道德风范,在越南国内外享有崇高的威望。     

“渡尽劫波兄弟在,相逢一笑泯恩仇“——中越关系正常化的前前后后

从“同志加兄弟”到15年对峙 1950年1月18日,中国与越南正式建立外交关系,至今已整整度过了半个世纪。中越两国山水相连,睦邻友好,而且国情相近,都是共产党领导的国家,坚持走社会主义道路。但在这50年的历史过程里,中越关系不太平稳,从高峰跌入低谷,又从低谷走向高坡。胡志明是越南人民的伟大领袖,也是中国人民熟悉的亲密朋友,特别是和周恩来、邓小平等在法国勤工俭学时相识,后来又是亲密战友。1945年日本投降,胡志明领导越南共产党和人民奋起“八月革命”,成立了越南民主共和国,但未受到国际承认。中华人民共和国成立后与越南正式建交,是世界上承认越南民主共和国的第一个国家,两国关系十分亲切和友好。胡志明主席描述两国关系的两句诗:“越中情谊深,同志加兄弟”。的确如此,从1950年到1975年,越南两次陷入战争灾难,而中国人民竭尽全力支持和援助越南人民的抗法战争和抗美救国战争。在此期间,中国向艰苦奋战的越南提供了200多亿美元的军事和经济无偿援助,先后派遣专家、顾问2万多人。在抗美战争中,作为越南人民的“坚强后盾” 和“可靠后方”,中国还派出32万工程兵和防空部队,有1442人献出了宝贵生命。中国还积极参加日内瓦会议、巴黎会议,为促使越南国家独立、恢复和平做出了不懈努力。这就是两     

中越人民友好关系史上珍贵的一页——有关胡志明与中国关系的若干重要史实

胡志明主席是中国人民的老朋友,早在本世纪20年代初,胡志明就在法国巴黎结识了中国同志。其后,他曾多次来中国,一面参加中国共产党的活动,一面关注着越南的革命,与中国人民在共同的斗争中建立了深厚的革命友谊。关于越南八月革命前后胡志明与中国关系的一些主要史实,如大革命时期他在广州创立越南青年革命同志会和举办特别政治训练班;以及     

胡志明在中国的革命活动与20世纪越南民族的独立

在２０世纪上半叶越南人民争取民族独立的斗争中,胡志明在中国的革命活动具有特殊和重要的意义。这段历史,无论对越南人民还是对中国人民来说,都是极为宝贵的财富。 在胡志明于２０世纪上半叶到国外寻找革命道路的３２年的斗争历程中,他在中国活动的时间最长,达１１年多。越南第一个共产主义组织越南青年革命同志会１９２５年在广州创立,越南共产党正式成立的会议１９３０年在香港召开,这是胡志明在中国进行的革命活动中最重要的事件。胡志明在中国进行革命活动期间,公开和秘密举办了多期干部训练班,培养了一大批越南革命骨干,为越南争取民族独立斗争的胜利奠定了组织基础。胡志明在中国期间,撰写了不下２５０篇的著作和各种文稿,为越南革命提供了正确的理论和策略指导。对于加强越南革命与中国革命、越南革命与世界革命的联系,对于促进国际进步力量关注越南问题,支持越南民族争取独立的斗争,也具有重要作用。胡志明通过在中国的革命活动,与中国共产党和中国人民建立了深厚的友谊,使中国成为越南革命可靠的海外基地。 胡志明在中国进行革命活动的历史,鲜明地反映了中越两国历史悠久的紧密关系,生动地记录了中越两国人民亲如兄弟的革命友谊。对于这段历史,中越两国人民都倍感珍惜。     

越南战争时期的“胡志明小道”

在 2 0世纪 50年代末期至 70年代中期越南人民反对美国侵略和占领 ,争取民族解放和国家统一的战争中 ,在作为大后方的越南北方与作为前方的越南南方之间 ,有一条被称为“胡志明小道”的举世闻名的秘密军事运输线。通过这条运输线 ,国际援越物资以及越南北方支援南方的军事物资和大批干部、军事人员冲破美伪军的重重封锁 ,源源不断运抵和进入南方游击区 ,有力地支援了南方人民抗击美国侵略者和西贡伪政权统治的斗争 ,为越南人民赢得抗美救国战争的彻底胜利和国家的统一奠定了极为重要的基础。“胡志明小道”至今仍然是个带有传奇色彩的历史话…     

我所学者与越南学者座谈

1994年3月1日下午,越南胡志明思想研究所所长陈诚教授和高级研究员吴文选应邀访问了云南省社会科学院,并与部分院领导和研究人员就40年代胡志明主席在云南的活动等问题进行了座谈.副院长汤成杰、院办公室主任范祖锜、历史所所长荆德新、马列所所长向翔以及我所副所长王士录和副译审陈科寿等与越南学者进行了座谈.越南客人此次到昆访问,一是希望能与我院建立学术交流关系;二是了解胡志明主席40年代期间在云南的活动情况,参观胡主席居住过的地方,收集资料;三是通过学术交流,学习中国学者研究历史伟人思想的研究方法.应客人要求,荆德新和王士录分别介绍了1940年胡志明主席在云南从事革命活动的情况,向翔就如何运用辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的观点和方法研究毛泽东思想和邓小平思想谈了自己的看法.胡志明是越南民主共和国(1976年更名为社会主义共和国)的缔造者,也是中国人民的老朋友.1940年2月至10月,胡志明同志在云南从事地下革命工作.在此期间,他除在昆明从事秘密工作外,还沿滇越铁路,到宜良、开远、芷村、蒙自等越侨聚     

Through the Looking Glass: The Helsinki Final Act and the 1976 Election for President

The controversy surrounding the 1975 Helsinki Final Act made it an enduring issue in the 1976 campaign, and the political backlash against President Gerald R. Ford damaged his electoral chances. Ford's signature of the agreement, his continuation of détente, and his foreign policy more broadly may not have been decisive issues in his contests with Ronald Reagan and then Jimmy Carter, but they certainly were prominent throughout the election. Examining the influence of the Final Act on Ford's election campaign illuminates the extent to which a number of candidates sought to use popular opposition to the agreement to their advantage. Furthermore, it reveals how the 1976 presidential candidates, and Ford in particular, struggled to address growing questions about détente, human rights, and morality in foreign policy. Ford's failure to defend his signature of the Final Act adequately raised concerns about his foreign policy and personal leadership with the electorate.     

关于索马里危机的地缘经济与政治思考——兼论罗佐夫分析索马里危机的独特视角

亚丁湾海盗问题似乎已经渐渐淡出人们的视野,然而索马里问题依然十分值得人们关注。里克·罗佐夫从地缘经济和地缘政治的角度探讨了索马里危机的性质,认为美国和北约为其军事目的和确保其全球能源主导地位而采取控制整个印度洋的计划与行动,才是索马里的真正危机。尽管罗佐夫对索马里危机的一些分析还不够到位,但他对国际社会的提醒却并不是多余的。解决索马里问题必须从根子上着手。中国必须正视国际霸权存在的现实,在努力提高自身软实力的同时也要十分重视硬实力的继续提升。     

The Foreign Policy Legacy of Barack Obama

Barack Obama finishes his second term with a mixed but positive foreign policy legacy. America’s global standing is much improved from the waning days of the George W. Bush administration eight years ago. Obama’s most notable achievements were the international agreement slowing Iran’s progress toward nuclear weapons capability and diplomatic normalisation with Cuba. On the other side of the ledger were his failure to extricate America from military overextension in the greater Mideast and from the global policing mindset that produced that overextension. Also marring his record was his incoherent response to Syria’s deadly civil war and Libya’s collapse into anarchy following the 2011 international intervention.     

The Reasons for and the Impacts of the Egypt Revolution

After Tunisian President Ben Ali fled his country,Hosni Mubarak,Egypt’s modern ’pharaoh’and ruler for 30 years,was toppled in just 18 days by a wave of popular protest. There are diverse reasons for his fall.These include economic problems caused by high population growth,high unemployment,and high inflation;social problems caused by the excessive gap between rich and poor;unfair distribution of social wealth;and political problems caused by Mubarak clinging to the presidency and his intention to hand over power to his own son.When the Tunisian revolution occurred,these were the reasons that triggered Mubarak’s collapse. However,because Egypt is a regional power,the impacts of its own revolution far exceed those of Tunisia and will inevitably affect not just the region but also US strategy in the Middle East.     

超验主义中的以道为体与以儒为用

拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生是19世纪美国著名作家、超验主义哲学家和美国文艺复兴的思想领袖。在他构建的超验主义思想体系中，既吸收了西方哲学中的精华部分，也积极的从中国古代哲学思想中汲取养料，接受儒家思想，并为己所用。虽未接触道家思想，却与之奇妙的契合，最终体现为以道家为体，以儒家为用的思维模式。     

A 'missed opportunity' for peace? Harold Wilson, British diplomacy, and the sun flower initiative to end the Vietnam war, February 1967

This article examines Harold Wilson's attempts to promote a peaceful solution to the Vietnam war during his first term in office as Britain's Prime Minister, with particular reference to his discussions with the Soviet Premier, Alexei Kosygin, in London in February 1967. Wilson's diplomatic efforts were influenced by his intention to improve Anglo-Soviet relations, and by his belief that the United Kingdom could help develop East-West contacts and facilitate the process of detente. In conclusion, this article argues that the failure of the Sunflower initiative in February 1967 was due not to the intervention of American 'hawks', as Wilson supposed, but to the convoluted clash of interests of the powers involved either directly or indirectly in the Vietnam war - the USA, USSR, China, and North Vietnam - which handicapped third-parry peace initiatives.     

A ‘missed opportunity’ for peace? Harold Wilson,British diplomacy,and the sun flower initiative to end the Vietnam war,February 1967

This article examines Harold Wilson's attempts to promote a peaceful solution to the Vietnam war during his first term in office as Britain's Prime Minister, with particular reference to his discussions with the Soviet Premier, Alexei Kosygin, in London in February 1967. Wilson's diplomatic efforts were influenced by his intention to improve Anglo-Soviet relations, and by his belief that the United Kingdom could help develop East-West contacts and facilitate the process of detente. In conclusion, this article argues that the failure of the Sunflower initiative in February 1967 was due not to the intervention of American ‘hawks’, as Wilson supposed, but to the convoluted clash of interests of the powers involved either directly or indirectly in the Vietnam war – the USA, USSR, China, and North Vietnam – which handicapped third-parry peace initiatives.     

李长傅对南洋历史地理文献的整理与校释

关于李长傅的学术成果，近年来已有一些学者作了总结和探讨，但对其在南洋历史地理研究方面的贡献涉及不多。从历史地理学的角度，对李长傅在南洋历史地理文献方面的学术工作加以梳理，不仅有助提升李长傅的学术地位，而且能为东南亚历史地理研究的开展提供史料和方法参考。     

Comments on James L. Gelvin's “Al-Qaeda and Anarchism: A Historian's Reply to Terrorology”

The article deals with the intellectual and philosophical background of Sartre's thought, which made him susceptible to the influence of left-wing totalitarian structures in general and to left-wing terrorism in particular. Consequently it is argued that Sartre's identification with Stalinism in his younger years, and his later sympathies with the infamous German Baader-Meinhof terrorist gang, were more than mere expressions of his personality, but rather part and parcel of his special blend of existentialism and philosophy. At the end of the article, Sartre's position in this matter is contrasted with the position of another existentialist French thinker, Sartre's contemporary, Albert Camus.     

René Massigli's Mission to London, 1944–1954

René Massigli's considerable contribution to French diplomacy began during the First World War. After being closely involved with many significant developments in French foreign policy during the inter-war years, Massigli then served alongside Charles de Gaulle during the Second World War. Informed by his experience of the 1930s, he adopted a view of western European security that saw him determined to promote greater co-operation between France and Britain to withstand a potential German resurgence and a looming Soviet threat. But following France's efforts after 1950 to promote European integration based on Franco-German co-operation, Massigli re-defined his role of ambassador and openly challenged French initiatives such as the Schuman Plan and, in particular, the European Defence Community, not only because they did not include Britain, but also because they threatened his view of French security. This analysis assesses Massigli's strategic vision and his attempts to overcome the underlying constraints.