恐怖主义犯罪新动向及其对策

恐怖主义犯罪严重地危害世界和平与安全、经济发展与社会进步 ,已成为当今世界的一大公害 ,引起了各国政府的广泛关注。科学地界定恐怖主义犯罪、分析恐怖主义犯罪新动向 ,在此基础上提出预防和打击恐怖主义犯罪的对策是目前学术界研究的重要课题。     

浅谈恐怖主义犯罪的特征

恐怖主义犯罪由于恐怖活动的泛滥而日益受到人们的重视,特别是最近几年的高密度、超强度破坏的恐怖事件,更加引起学者们的密切关注和深入探讨。恐怖主义犯罪是很复杂的社会现象,只有全面考察其来龙去脉,才能有的放矢地惩治恐怖主义犯罪。因此,恐怖主义犯罪的特征,应该从多角度进行概括,至少要从两个角度分析,一个是犯罪学的特征,另一个是规范刑法学的构成特征。     

恐怖主义犯罪前置化处置研究

刑法对恐怖主义犯罪进行前置化处置的做法引发了传统刑法与预防刑法、保护法益与尊重人权、公共秩序与个人自由的二元博弈。在反思恐怖主义犯罪前置化处置引发的二元博弈的同时,应当承认恐怖主义犯罪前置化处置立法的正当性。司法实践表明,刑法关于恐怖主义犯罪前置化处置的条款存在立法与司法间的严重断裂,法律规定在司法实践中被扭曲,应当对这些条款的司法适用加以限制。     

恐怖活动犯罪的目的犯性质探究——以宣扬恐怖主义罪、非法持有宣扬恐怖主义物品罪为例

恐怖活动犯罪特别是宣扬恐怖主义罪和非法持有宣扬恐怖主义物品罪在司法认定中面临过度犯罪化和政治效果、法律效果和社会效果难以统一的困境,产生的主要原因是对恐怖活动犯罪的认定缺乏犯罪目的的考察,因而有必要在立法上将恐怖活动犯罪设定为目的犯。参考不作为犯的分类,可以将恐怖活动犯罪分为纯正的恐怖活动犯罪和不纯正的恐怖活动犯罪,恐怖主义性质的政治、意识形态目的主要影响纯正的恐怖活动犯罪中的短缩的二行为犯即间接目的犯的认定。认定恐怖活动犯罪中的目的可以采取司法推定的方法,恐怖活动犯罪作为目的犯也可以是间接故意犯罪,同时也要在共同犯罪和罪数形态方面对恐怖活动犯罪进行具体考量。     

独狼恐怖主义犯罪及其治理探析

独狼恐怖主义犯罪作为恐怖主义犯罪一种新的表现形式,已逐渐成为恐怖主义犯罪的新常态,并因其突发性、隐蔽性、不易防范等特点,而成为国际反恐防恐的一大难点。"独狼"与一般的恐怖分子有着较大的不同,激进化的状态十分明显;同时由于独狼恐怖袭击易被复制和效仿,从恐怖主义总体的发展趋势来看,其危害将进一步扩大。加强对于独狼及其恐怖主义犯罪的研究,将有助于对独狼恐袭的防范。     

我国防治国际恐怖主义犯罪立法研究

国际恐怖主义犯罪演变至今已呈现出新的态势,其危害性不断加大,对其惩治的困境凸显。究其原因,理论层面主要包括理论研究的不全面、立法与当前实际的脱节、基础概念的不明确等,因此,通过对国际恐怖主义犯罪基本理论的梳理,厘清惩治国际恐怖主义犯罪存在的问题,完善我国防治国际恐怖主义犯罪立法,成为自《刑法修正案(九)》之后需要解决的问题。     

国际恐怖犯罪的特点、成因及对策

国际恐怖主义是当前国际社会所面临的主要挑战之一,它严重危害了国际社会的整体利益。尤其是近几年来,国际恐怖犯罪活动猖獗,以本.拉登为首的恐怖组织,更是制造了几起震惊世界的恐怖犯罪事件。这种特殊的犯罪形式引起了国际学术界和实务界的广泛关注。因此,研究这种犯罪的特点、成因及其处置对策具有十分重要的意义。     

国际恐怖主义犯罪之刑法应对——以恐怖主义犯罪之“非政治化”处理为切入点

作为严重危害国际社会的罪行,国际恐怖主义犯罪一直是国际社会关注的焦点。但是国际恐怖主义犯罪目前在各国之间未能达成统一权威的定义,与政治犯的定义无法明确的情况类似。尽管现今国际社会都在采取国际恐怖主义犯罪＂非政治化＂的处理措施,以区别于政治犯的处理,但是无疑缺乏一个相应的规范性标准。     

我国反恐怖主义相关法律问题研究

当前，恐怖主义已成为严重威胁世界和平与安全的重要因素之一，我国也同样面临恐怖主义的现实威胁。如何预防和打击恐怖主义活动已是研究国家安全必须重视的课题。在倡导依法治国的今天，以法律手段应对恐怖主义是我国的必然选择。但现行法律的不完善、缺乏可操作性，制约了对恐怖主义犯罪的惩治，应予完善和细化。     

论惩治国际恐怖主义犯罪的基本问题

恐怖主义行为滋生于 2 0世纪初叶 ,一些组织或个人基于各种各样的动机或目的不断实施危害人类的行为 ,如劫持航空器、劫持人质等。这些行为在国际社会层出不穷 ,愈演愈烈 ,逐渐发展成具有组织性、有针对性 ,甚至带有某种政治色彩的国际性恐怖主义罪行。如何有效地惩治这种新型国际性犯罪已经成为国际社会关注的热点问题 ,有关惩治国际恐怖主义犯罪的理论与实践也是各国刑事法学界重视的研究课题。结合现代国际法和国际刑法的相关理论 ,本文重点就恐怖主义犯罪的概况、性质及惩治与防范策略加以研究 ,以期促进对此问题的深入探讨。     

The Terror that Failed: Public Opinion in the Aftermath of the Bombing in Oklahoma City

Did the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City affect the public's perception of terrorism as a political issue and their perceptions of individual risk and personal vulnerability? The author finds that the bombing in Oklahoma City altered neither the public's assessment of personal risk nor its reported behavior. Public opinion on terrorism and crime share three patterns: (1) perceived risk of victimization and the likely consequences affect public apprehension; (2) the voiced sense of personal security bears a direct relationship to the relative familiarity of the setting; and (3) the public shows resistance to the media's portrayal of risk. Opinion data indicate that domestic terrorism is likely to be seen as important in general and in the abstract, but with low personal risk, little impact on individuals' routine behavior, and, consequently, low political salience. In light of terrorism's purpose of inducing fear and the public's generally placid response on a personal level, the author concludes that the bombing failed as an act of domestic terrorism.     

从马德里铁路大爆炸看我国铁路反恐体系的建立

2004年3月11日,西班牙首都马德里及附近地区3列火车4节车厢连续发生10余起爆炸,造成2O0余人死亡,18O0余人受伤。这次系列爆炸震撼了全球,也给我们敲响了铁路反恐工作的警钟。铁路成为恐怖主义分子制造爆炸、投毒等破坏的重要目标的主要原因:(一)铁路是社会的主要交通运输工具,铁路在一个国家的经济生产和人民生活,甚至军事、涉外等方面具有重要影响;(二)铁路是社会人财物高度聚集的流动性很强的公共场所,铁路发生爆炸可以造成大量的人财物损失,破坏程度巨大;(三)铁路的分布范围广,列车昼夜固定高速运行,安全防范体系薄弱。对于恐怖主义采取在铁路站车制造爆炸的新型恐怖主义犯罪,我们应该有清醒的认识,应该从我国的反恐斗争需要出发,研究、制定国家的铁路反恐体系,以确保铁路的安全。     

Hollywood and the Spectacle of Terrorism

As terrorist actions, both state and non-state, have spread in both frequency and destructive power since the 1960s, the topic has become an enduring source of narratives, fantasies, and myths that have contributed to Hollywood filmmaking with its familiar emphasis on international intrigue, exotic settings, graphic violence, and the demonization of foreign threats. Images of political violence have a strong appeal in the US, where the gun culture, civic violence, crime sprees, and a thriving war economy permeate the landscape. The al Qaeda attacks of 9/11 heightened public fascination with terrorism, fueled by mounting fear and paranoia, and this was destined to inspire a new cycle of films in which on-screen terrorism dramatizes elements of real-life threats that now include possible weapons of mass destruction. The “war on terror,” driven as much by US strategy to reconfigure the Middle East as by the events of 9/11, serves as the perfect backdrop for film industry productions of violent high-tech spectacles, now a major staple of media culture. For cinema as for politics, the “Middle East” now exists as a mystical category largely outside of time and space, a ready source of dark fears and threats. At the same time, corporate-driven globalization, viewed as a cultural as well as economic and political process, feeds into modern terrorism as political violence (including militarism) sharpens its capacity to attack, disrupt, and surprise—the same features now so integral to the Hollywood film industry. We see jihadic terrorism as not only a virulent form of blowback against US imperial power but as possibly the darkest side of neo-liberal globalization.     

The Rule of Law in the Fight against Terrorism

What is the role of legal limits on executive power, if any, when citizens demand more security from terrorism, and allowing executive officials legal flexibility of action appears necessary to achieve it? We develop a game‐theoretic model to show that when the executive faces increased electoral incentives to provide security and has legal flexibility to choose any policy it finds optimal, security from terrorism can actually decrease. In contrast, when the executive faces increased electoral incentives to provide security and there is an explicit legal limit on executive counterterrorism activities, security from terrorism increases. We also show that the executive achieves the objective of terrorism prevention more effectively when there are some limitations on its counterterrorism powers. The article provides a security rationale for legal limits on executive power and has implications for understanding how to design the institutional structure of liberal governments when the social objective is terrorism prevention.     

Threat Perception and American Support for Torture

When do Americans support the government’s use of torture? We argue that perceptions of threat undermine the extent to which American public opinion serves as a bulwark against government torture. Although surveys demonstrate that a slim majority of the American public generally opposes torture, using a nationally-representative survey experiment, we show that Americans are considerably more supportive of government abuse when it is directed at individuals who they perceive as threatening: specifically, when a detainee has an Arabic name and when the alleged crime is terrorism. Given the malleability of public opinion as a potential constraint on abuse, our results underscore the importance of institutional protections of human rights.     

British Intelligence and the Mandate of Palestine: Threats to British National Security Immediately After the Second World War

Recently declassified Security Service (MI5) records reveal, for the first time, the full extent of the threat that Zionist terrorism posed to British national security immediately after the Second World War. It is well established within the historical literature that after 1945 Britain faced violent campaigns by Jewish terrorist groups in the Mandate of Palestine. Hitherto unacknowledged in the historiography, however, is the fact that the threat of Zionist terrorism extended from Palestine to Britain itself. This article studies the nature of the threat posed by Zionist terrorism within Britain after 1945, and explores the counter-terrorist measures that MI5 devised to meet it. Overall, as this article shows, MI5's concerns with Zionist terrorism after 1945 offer a striking new interpretation of the history of the early Cold War.     

How (not) to study terrorism

This article disputes the premise dominant in moral philosophy and the social sciences that a strict definition of terrorism is needed in order to evaluate and confront contemporary political violence. It argues that a definition of terrorism is not only unhelpful, but also impossible if the historicity and flexibility of the concept are to be taken seriously. Failure to account for terrorism as a historical phenomenon produces serious analytical and epistemological problems that result in an anachronistic, ahistorical, and reductive understanding. Because there are no historically or contextually stable answers to the question what terrorism is, this article argues for a novel account of terrorism that replaces the attempt to define terrorism with an analysis of its meaning and function within a specific context.     

再论犯罪现场的概念——兼与尤小文博士商榷

犯罪现场的概念有狭义和广义之分,狭义的犯罪现场概念是指发生犯罪行为的空间场所;广义的犯罪现场概念是指与犯罪行为有关的人、物、时、空存在及其内在联系的总和,其中,与犯罪有关的人、物、时、空要素是犯罪现场的四个维度,犯罪行为是联系各个犯罪要素的函数方程,犯罪现场的内在结构模型就是犯罪现场构成要素的立体图形.犯罪现场概念的研究应包括各种学科与层次的方法.犯罪现场学是专门研究犯罪现场的理论和知识体系的总和,是犯罪现场概念等理论发展到高级阶段的产物.犯罪现场概念与刑事侦查学理论体系有内在联系.犯罪现场的本质是犯罪活动的社会存在,其应用价值体现主要是解析犯罪线索和搜集犯罪证据.犯罪现场的概念是反映和联系犯罪存在和犯罪证据的桥梁.     

Militarism and Terrorism: The Deadly Cycle

The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, destined to strongly influence world politics well into the 21st century, can be understood as part of a larger dialectic linking US militarism and what has become global terrorism. This destructive cycle is likely to deepen as elements of American superpower hegemony--economic, political, cultural and military--become more consolidated, and as the USA continues to pursue its unprecedented and ill-defined war against terrorism. The goal of US ruling elites is to make the world increasingly accessible to capital investment, free trade and corporate domination while simultaneously closing off viable alternatives to the neoliberal New World Order. Here terrorism in its different manifestations amounts to both a striking back at US empire--what might be seen as an especially virulent form of blowback--and the unintended relegitimation of this empire as it helps to bolster the war economy and security state. One of the debilitating consequences of the militarism-terrorism cycle is a further closing off of political discourse in the US in the midst of a resurgent national chauvinism, ideological conformism and militarised culture.