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1.
从 2 0世纪 6 0年代印度与当时欧共体建立良好的合作关系开始 ,经过半个世纪的发展 ,印度欧盟的双边贸易发展较快。印度已经成为欧盟的主要贸易伙伴 ,同时 ,印度欧盟的双边贸易表现出进出口平衡发展、印度出口产品结构相对集中在传统初级产品、进口产品结构主要集中在机电等制成品、贸易条件不利等点。展望 2 1世纪 ,印度国内产业尤其是信息产业的发展、印度外贸体制的改善和欧盟一印度贸易投资发展项目的实施 ,都会极大地促进印度欧盟的双边贸易。  相似文献   

2.
薛莉 《东南亚》2010,(2):56-59
随着印度经济体制改革的不断深入,印度与东亚之间的贸易迅猛发展。从地区来看,东亚已经超过欧盟、北美成为印度最大的贸易伙伴。目前,印度与东亚之间的贸易主要是以产业内贸易为主。与东亚相比,印度具有独特的要素禀赋优势,同时印度在吸引东亚投资以及区域经济合作方面表现出非常积极的姿态,因此未来印度与东亚间垂直型产业内贸易将会成为推动印度与东亚贸易发展的核心动力。中国应当把握这次机会,通过积极推动与印度经济一体化合作、增加对印度的投资等手段大力发展中国与印度的产业内贸易。  相似文献   

3.
欧盟的发展合作政策体现了欧盟对发展中国家关系的原则和指导方针。它的发展演变深受欧盟内部局势及国际政治经济格局变化的深刻影响。欧盟的发展合作政策深刻地影响了印度与欧盟关系。该政策经历了从无到有,从地区主义到全球主义的发展过程。相应地,印度与欧盟关系也经历了从边缘到战略合作伙伴关系。  相似文献   

4.
印度独立后十分重视发展与欧洲国家的关系。上世纪90年代后,双方的关系得到了极大的提升,建立了一系列的合作机制,如印欧首脑会议和印欧工商高峰会议等,在第五届印欧首脑会议上,双方还确立了建立战略性伙伴关系的目标。目前,欧盟是印度最大的贸易伙伴,2004年,印度和欧盟双边贸易额达到了历史性的332亿欧元。虽然双方的合作仍有不少的制约因素,但双方的合作前景相当广阔。  相似文献   

5.
进入21世纪以来,由于印度和越南之间的政治关系更加密切,两国经济合作保持快速增长,两国的商品贸易获得了高速增长,贸易结构发生明显变化,双方在彼此对外贸易中的地位提高,印度对越南的直接投资有所增加。但是,两国商品贸易不平衡,印度对越南的直接投资及发展援助不多,两国经济关系主要表现为贸易关系。印度与越南经济关系的发展对中国产生了一定影响。  相似文献   

6.
欧盟对印关系初探   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
欧印关系近年来突飞猛进,从开启首脑对话大门到确立战略伙伴关系,相隔不过4年时间。如今,双方在政治、经济、社会领域互动频繁,经济关系发展迅猛,战略伙伴关系正在落实。作为双方关系主要塑造者的欧盟,选择印度为外交重点出于三方面原因:发展到特定阶段的自然要求、现实利益驱动和战略上的考虑。欧盟与印度建立战略伙伴关系,不仅使欧印双方得益,而且对当前世界格局产生越来越显著的影响。  相似文献   

7.
自2005年11月印尼与印度建立战略伙伴关系以来,两国在政治与安全、经济与贸易等领域取得了快速发展,特别是两国的贸易额提前完成政府规定的目标。在未来5—10年,将是两国关系加速发展时期,经济与贸易仍然是两国关系的主轴。鉴于两国日益增强的国力,两国关系的发展不仅对于两国本身,而且对整个亚州区域一体化将起到积极的推动作用,成为南南合作的典范。印尼一印度战略伙伴关系的发展将对中国与东盟关系产生一定的制衡作用,但更多地是机遇。  相似文献   

8.
在全球化背景下 ,研究俄罗斯与欧盟的经贸关系 ,对改善转型国家与市场经济发达国家的经济往来关系具有重要的借鉴意义。冷战后 ,俄罗斯与欧盟的关系发展较快 ,尤其是双边经济合作在不断加强。欧盟是俄罗斯最大的贸易伙伴 ,而俄欧关系对欧盟也具有重要的战略意义。从贸易、投资及其他经济合作方式等多方面综合分析俄罗斯与欧盟的经贸合作关系 ,并对其中存在的问题进行深入探究 ,对于我们同俄欧的经贸合作具有重要的作用。  相似文献   

9.
进入21世纪以来,印度与缅甸两国政府采取了一系列发展双边经济关系的措施。在这种背景下,两国商品贸易快速增长,印度在缅甸对外贸易中的比例提高;印度对缅甸直接投资增多,但数量依然较小;印度还对缅甸的一些项目进行援建,提供了一些发展援助。但两国的经济关系发展依然受到多种因素的限制。预计今后两国经济关系会加强。  相似文献   

10.
国际服务贸易的发展在总量上还不及商品贸易。但是 ,其增长速度已超过了商品贸易。印度作为一个发展中国家 ,同时也是WTO的成员国 ,其服务贸易的发展速度较快。本文通过使用计量研究方法对印度 2 0世纪 90年代对外服务贸易的状况进行考查 ,力图探索其发展特征 ,并结合印度服务产业的发展状况 ,对印度对外服务贸易的发展趋势进行预测。最后 ,希望得出对中国对外服务贸易发展有用的启示  相似文献   

11.
The proposed bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) between India and the European Union has thrown up many contentious issues among which public procurement is an important one. While India is reluctant to include public procurement in FTA, the European Union (EU) has been insisting that FTA without liberalisation of public procurement is not on the negotiating table. What makes India particularly attractive to the EU is not only the size of its public procurement market but also its rapidly growing economy and demand for infrastructure which presents EU firms with an opportunity to gain market access into this sector under the FTA setting. The EU is insisting on national treatment and non-discrimination as also transparency in Indian procurement system. Indian companies aspire to crack open public procurement market in the EU by entering it through the services sector. However, they are finding EU procedures for ‘data adequacy’ and policies relating to work visa difficult. India’s reluctance to negotiate government procurement under the FTA framework is also attributed partly to administrative costs required for making changes to existing framework and for establishing institutions to implement bilateral obligations. Though several deadlines have been missed, an agreement that could bring mutual benefit for both the EU and India is not out of reach.  相似文献   

12.
东盟与欧盟经贸关系的现状与前景   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文首先回顾东盟与欧盟的经贸关系发展历程,然后分析、探讨东盟与欧盟贸易与投资关系的特点及其存在的问题,最后对其未来发展趋势提出几点看法。  相似文献   

13.
俄与欧盟关系中的能源因素   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
俄罗斯经济加入世界经济一体化的进程 ,在很大程度上取决于其与欧盟的相互关系。欧盟既是俄的贸易伙伴 ,也是俄经济的主要投资者和信贷者。目前 ,能源合作已成为俄罗斯与欧盟贸易往来的最主要方面。对于欧盟来说 ,天然气比煤、石油、电能等能源更具竞争力  相似文献   

14.
Asia Europe Journal - The economic, trade, and cultural relations between the European Union (EU) and Hong Kong are widely recognized in the existing literature to be the most beneficial and...  相似文献   

15.
On 1 May 2004 the European Union’s biggest Enlargement ever materialised when ten countries joined the EU. The new member states—Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic, and Slovenia—brought 75 million new citizens into the Union which now comprises a population of 455 million. In spite of the historical importance of EU enlargement, it seems to have raised relatively little interest beyond Europe. This paper tries to narrow the research gap by discussing the most significant implications of EU enlargement for Europe–Asia relations in the areas of general inter-regional (political) links, trade and investment.  相似文献   

16.
Asia is Europe’s largest trading partner and EU-Asia trade relations have undergone a rapid change since the global financial crisis. On a global scale, the new multilateral trade agreements such as the now stalled Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) involving European Unions’ (EU) major trading partners such as Japan, Singapore and Vietnam also have the potential to change the trade equations. In this paper, we evaluate the new EU trade policy which has been designed to ensure that the EU benefits from the changing global trade scenario and also look at the steps which have been taken by the EU to promote trade relations with its major trading partners in Asia in the predicted ‘Asian century’. We look into the Free Trade Agreements, which are being negotiated with its Asian partners and seek to understand the reasons which have resulted in delays in their signing and negotiations. We evaluate new policies pushed forward by its Asian partners such as the One Belt One Road policy by China and Japan’s policy of securing a large number of trading agreements in the America. Moving ahead, we also shed light on the indirect factors that may influence the success of EU trade negotiations in Asia such as the EU policy on granting China market economy status and the commencement of the ‘Brexit’ process. Lastly, we try to present a list of immediate priorities for EU in Asia, which will ensure that it secures a toehold in trade with the region. All in all, it is shown that the EU has not one and the same approach for all Asian countries but it negotiates flexibly and individually country by country. Because of this “country by country approach” the EU is also not ready to enter into general EU-ASEAN trade negotiations again.  相似文献   

17.
Over the last decade, trade negotiations with Canada and the United States met with considerable resistance from non-governmental organisations (NGO). Moreover, the negotiation mandates given to the European Commission were so broad as to include topics falling under so-called mixed competence of the EU and the member states, necessitating not only ratification by the EU Council of Ministers and the European Parliament, but also member states’ parliaments. At some point, these two factors almost seemed to paralyze the EU as a trade negotiator. In the end, however, the EU concluded an agreement with Canada, renegotiated its agreement with Mexico (while also concluding agreements with Singapore and Japan amongst others), while negotiations with the US were suspended. Three factors can account for this puzzling combination of apparent incapacity and blockage and surprising resilience of EU trade policymaking. First, the NGO contestation campaigns did not muster pan‐European but rather only varying degrees of support. Second, in addition to scrutiny by the European Parliament, consensus decision-making in the Council fosters accommodation of the demands of all member states. This leads to a low degree of negotiating autonomy on the part of the European Commission, yet large bargaining power for the European Union, as long as the other side wants agreement. Finally, a recent ruling by the Court of the EU facilitated the decoupling of agreements on portfolio investment and investment arbitration (one of the most difficult hurdles), from all other matters of trade and regulatory cooperation, making it easier to reach agreement.  相似文献   

18.
This article explores the global positions of China and India in merchandise trade. It first compares the integration models of China and India and, thereafter, examines the core factors that drive their trading relationships. With respect to their global trading partners, there are considerable differences in the influence of economic drivers of trade for China and India. Combined larger markets, similar consumer preferences, similar factor endowments and linguistic links enhance global exports from China. Alternatively, smaller market size, discrepancy in consumer demands, dissimilar factor endowments and combined stocks of foreign direct investments drive India’s global trade. The findings suggest that differences in the structure and demand of China vis-a-vis India dictate the divergence in the profile of their trade determinants. Such divergence in trade drivers, however, dissipates when taking into account Chinese and Indian partnerships on a regional basis – with East Asia, Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Latin America, European Union (EU), and Africa.  相似文献   

19.
For decades, a prevailing view has been that a very limited number of global issues can be resolved without the USA and European Union acting together. But in recent years, we have seen a growing body of scholarship addressing the question of the ‘diffusion of power’, ‘the rise of the rest’ or ‘global zero’. With the financial crisis, questionable foreign policy choices and growing global competition from other international actors, both in terms of trade and ideas, the idea of the Western domination is increasingly questioned. At the same time, many international actors, including the European Union, are increasingly shifting—or ‘rebalancing’—their attention towards China and other Asian markets introducing new dynamics to old alliances and relationships. Borrowing from the network analysis scholarship, this paper looks at the EU relationship with China through a conceptual lens of ‘network power’ and ‘network diplomacy’. It applies this analytical lens to investigate the implications of EU–China relations for (1) the relations with the USA, (2) the relations with the ASEAN and (3) the effects of the trilateral EU–China–US cooperation on the region.  相似文献   

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