大河之源——浑河

浑河有两大源头,北源为清原满族自治县的滚马岭,入萨尔浒水库前,称红河;南源为新宾满族自治县红升乡张家村西大沟,流经新宾境内时,称苏子河,与红河同入萨尔浒水库.张家村西大沟是岗山群峰的组成之一.岗山,辽宁与吉林的界山,与老秃顶子山同属长白山余脉龙岗山系,海拔相差无几.两山隔着不过百里,亿万年相看两不厌,植被分布却差异明显.     

本溪非凡的山水工业城

本溪市地处辽宁省东南部，总面积8411平方公里，总人口157万人，第一颗卫星上天、第一艘潜艇下水，都凝结着本溪人的聪明才智。本溪是沈阳经济幽诸城市的“后花园”；是中国第一个也是惟一一个以行政区划命名的国家级地质公园；是中国著名的老工业基地，一座现代山水工业城，一座优秀旅游城市。     

天辽海宁

21世纪是人类型发海洋与保护海洋并举的世界。辽宁省在“十二五”海洋规划中明确提出，实现海洋开发与保护并重。2013年辽宁省海洋主要产业总产值实现5263亿元，渔民人均纯收入达1.46万元，水产品总产量达505万吨。     

沙上种树,不一样的故事

彰武地处内蒙古科尔沁沙地的南缘,是辽宁省最大的风沙区.建国前,全县林地面积仅18万亩,森林覆被率只有2.9%.如今,有林地面积176万亩,活立木蓄积量375万立方米,森林覆被率34.5%. 　　从草木不生的流沙地,到绿色生态家园,从资料记载的"科尔沁沙地以每年3-4公里的速度向南移动,沈阳面临被风沙侵吞的威胁",到初具雏形的辽西北第一道绿色生态屏障,在这个欠发达的县区,一代代造林人挥洒激情,流淌辛劳,也拥抱了甜蜜.……     

中俄互办“国家年”——辽宁省同俄罗斯全面深化合作的新机遇

中俄两国互办“国家年”，是两国关系不断深化与发展的体现，它对两国战略协作伙伴关系的发展将产生重大影响。辽宁省是中俄互办“国家年”活动的积极参与者，是中俄“国家年”组委会下设的地方组成员。2006年中国“俄罗斯年”期间，辽宁省举办了一系列活动，2007年辽宁省经贸代表团赴俄参加了俄罗斯“中国年”大型系列活动之一的“中国国家展”。按照胡锦涛主席提出的加强中俄地方合作的方向，辽宁省将充分利用中俄互办“国家年”提供的机遇，“不断探寻”与俄罗斯合作的“新领域新途径”，努力夯实中俄战略协作伙伴关系的基础。具体而言，就是充分利用中俄互办“国家年”为辽宁省在对俄投资、发展商品贸易、科技合作、旅游合作和劳务出口等五个经贸合作领域提供的机遇，推动中俄战略协作伙伴关系的发展。     

清原满族自治县 绿色屏障 四河之源

清原，一个清新悦耳的名字，一座山水小城，勤劳聪慧的满乡人创造了它的辉煌与美丽。 清原，位于辽宁省东部山区，归抚顺市管辖，素有“绿色屏障”、“矿藏宝库”、“四河之源”、“天然药园”美誉。清原1925年建县，1989年成立满族自治县。全县辖14个乡镇188个行政村，总面积3921平方公里，总人口35万。     

近年来老挝的禁毒工作

地处印度支那半岛北部的老挝 ,是东南亚唯一的内陆国 ,虽然它幅员较小 ,面积 2 3万多平方公里 ,人口 5 0 0多万 ,但它地理位置独特 ,战略地位重要 ,自然资源丰富。这个被称作“印度支那屋脊”的国家 ,不仅是“森林王国”、“稻田王国” ,而且又是世界上第三大鸦片生产国 ,仅次于阿富汗和缅甸。老挝西北部山区是世界著名的毒源地———“金三角”中的一角。该地区山峦重叠 ,覆盖着茂密的原始丛林 ,气候湿热多雨 ,无春夏秋冬之分 ,大自然赋予种植罂粟、大麻等毒品作物得天独厚的有利条件。加上该地区的山地民族众多 ,生活十分贫困 ,种植毒品作…     

民心工程提供经济发展内生动力——辽宁省服务业委员会

记者：辽宁省实施了“汽车、摩托车下乡”和“家电下乡”，在很大程度上改善了消费环境，2011年辽宁省是否有更多的产品品种列入下乡行列，辽宁省将采取哪些措施带动农村产品的消费升级？杨军生：我们这里有一些数据给大家公布一下：家电下乡产品2010年实现销售额46．7亿元，同比增长1．6倍，销售量达到215万台，     

寸跷盛舞太平歌

“寸跷秧歌”，民间又叫“踩寸子”，是本溪地区满族风俗舞蹈，几百年来流行于本溪满族自治县田师付镇。田师付镇东南与碱厂镇毗连，西北与南甸镇为邻，西南与小市镇接壤。本溪建置前属兴京（今新宾县）管辖。“寸子”之名源于满族妇女所穿木底高跟“花盆鞋”的民间称谓。     

牛庄 中国历史文化名镇

迄今辽宁仅有两个“中国历史文化名镇”，牛庄是其一。牛庄隶属于鞍山市，是海城西部政治、经济、文化、交通的中心，素有辽南重镇之美誉。全镇总面积53平方公里，人口3．76万。牛庄1991年被国家建设部列为小城镇建设试点镇，现为辽宁省百强镇之一。     

Britain,France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab–Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.     

Britain, France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab-Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

“印太战略”:以美印日澳的战略逻辑、利益与策略选择为分析视角

"印太战略"是美国均势+有限遏制+规制+话语诋毁的混合型战略。它意在前沿、中间地带与后方的三层构建不对称的对华遏制性力量,突破中美双边、单区域战略竞争的狭窄战略空间;在多地域与多维度孤立中国,拉拢更多国家在产业价值链、数字经济等层面与中国切割;制订基础建设投资透明化的新标准,嵌入有利于美国利益的规制;通过国际法、舆论等软性手段抹黑中国的"一带一路"与海权发展。虽然共同逻辑都是制衡中国崛起,但日澳印在策略上强调非对抗性。其中避免成为中国优先反制是日本重要的策略目标;印度在拉达克边界冲突后尚没有形成一个完全倒向美国的战略,因为这必定使其背上沉重的战略包袱,成为美国的附庸;澳大利亚作为地缘政治影响有限的中等国家,在美国反华行动中冲在最前列已使其利益严重受损。而"印太战略"与东盟所推动的包容性、合作安全理念也有着本质的区别,东盟要在"印太地区"发挥中心领导作用,定位"印太"为对话与合作区域。所以由于东盟的抵制、印日澳的消极政策,这个战略形成的攻势将很难保持可持续性,其长期前景并不看好。     

Satisfaction,Alternatives, Investments,and the Microfoundations of Audience Cost Models

In this paper, we suggest that the Investment Model of Commitment, developed in social psychology, offers a solution to an important microfoundational issue in audience cost theory. Audience cost models are useful for thinking about the foreign policy behaviors of democratic and nondemocratic states. However, they often assume that citizens reliably penalize leaders who break their foreign policy promises even though the empirical record suggests this is not always the case. We argue that public commitment to foreign policy assets and relationships is a precondition for the application of audience costs. Using the UN and NATO as case studies, we hypothesize that the commitments people develop to international organizations emerge as a function of (1) their satisfaction with the performance of the organization, (2) the investments in those organizations, and (3) an assessment of the alternatives to these associations. Correlational and experimental tests of the model confirm that the strongest individual-level commitments arise when people are highly satisfied with the performance of specific institutions, believe that much has been invested in support of them, and perceive that the alternatives to particular institutions are poor. Implications for the development of audience cost theory are discussed.     

Lashkar-i-Taiba: Roots,Logistics, Partnerships,and the Fallacy of Subservient Proxies

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