关爱女孩行动与综合治理我国西南地区出生人口性别比失衡

我国出生人口性别比长期偏高的现实状况并带来一系列社会问题，不仅应引起家庭、政府和社会重视，更应采取切实行动关爱女孩，制定相关政策综合治理，以尽快提高女孩综合素质与能力，支持女性自主创业与回家乡创业，尽快实现我国出生人口性别比健康发展，为民族地区人口、社会经济的协调发展与和谐社会的建立作出全面思考。     

出生性别比偏高治理中的公共政策失效原因分析

为了分析我国出生性别比偏高问题治理的公共政策失效的原因,通过国家官方网站和中国期刊网检索了出生性别比偏高问题治理的56项政策文本和43篇政策分析类文献,并基于社会性别公平理念和公共政策系统协调性分析框架,采用内容分析方法对上述政策文本和文献进行了深入分析。结果显示,公共政策系统的不协调是出生性别比偏高问题未能得到有效治理的主要原因,该不协调体现在政策的主体子系统内部、客体子系统内部、主体与客体子系统之间、本政策系统与其他政策之间以及本政策系统与环境之间五个方面。研究结论对于中国出生性别比偏高问题的治理、国家关爱女孩行动的顺利开展等都具有一定的借鉴和指导意义;同时也丰富和发展了政策评估方法。     

生育政策改还是不改？

生育政簸：稳还是调自推行计划生育以来，中国人口数量控制取得了令世人瞩目的巨大成就，但中国人口老龄化问题、出生性别比失调问题、年轻劳动力短缺问题与独生子女家庭风险等问题日益显现，     

我国出生人口性别偏好的经济学分析

我国出生人口性别比长期偏高,挑战了我国男女平等和计划生育两项基本国策,是我国社会发展过程中面临的一个突出问题,如不加以治理,将给社会带来复杂、长远的影响。我国出生人口性别比偏高最主要的原因是民众对男孩的性别偏好。性别偏好本质上反映了两性地位的不平等,有其深厚的经济和社会根源。解决性别偏好问题,必须从性别经济学角度入手,实施社会性别主流战略,实行社会性别预算,并建立专门的政府工作机构。     

高出生性别比地区人口预测研究——基于育龄妇女生育意愿调查

湖北省是人口大省,出生性别比失衡是该省面临的突出人口问题之一。通过运用湖北省鄂州、黄石和仙桃三市的调研数据对育龄妇女的生育意愿现状进行分析,证实二孩政策能够基本满足育龄妇女的生育意愿。在此基础上,针对性别比严重失衡的鄂州地区,运用该市2000年人口普查数据,在现行生育政策和不同实施方案的二孩政策下对该市未来人口发展进行了计算机模拟预测与对比分析,结果表明:二孩间隔生育政策在控制人口总量、稳定低生育水平、保证正常的出生性别比等方面优于现行政策和无间隔二孩政策,该政策对于解决出生性别比严重失衡地区的人口问题仍然具有明显的作用。     

我国出生人口性别比失衡的原因、危害及对策

我国出生人口性别比严重失衡有着深刻的社会、经济和文化背景,它不仅造成人口结构不合理,而且严重影响社会经济协调和可持续发展,分析我国出生人口性别比失衡存在的主要问题以及产生的深层原因,将有助于我们从社会政治、经济及法律等方面制定措施,进行综合治理,从而弱化人们的性别偏好,塑造良好的生育文化和人口文化。     

生育政策改还是不改?

生育政簸:稳还是调自推行计划生育以来,中国人口数量控制取得了令世人瞩目的巨大成就,但中国人口老龄化问题、出生性别比失调问题、年轻劳动力短缺问题与独生子女家庭风险等问题日益显现,与控制人口的目标不可兼得。中国人口正处在又一个十字路口,现行生育政策是否应该调整、何时调整以及如何调整,是目前敏感而备受关注的热点问题之一。     

出生性别比异常的社会学分析

出生性别比异常直接威胁人类的可持续发展、不利于社会的稳定和人口素质的提高。出生性别比异常主要是受中国传统习俗“男尊女卑”、“养儿防老”等观念影响较深。因此，要进一步完善计划生育政策，建立健全社会养老保障体系，树立正确的社会性别观念，实现男女平等的、公平的社会权利模式。     

第一代独生子女婚姻生育选择及对未来人口和家庭结构的影响——兼与庄渝霞商榷生育政策调整的可行性

随着第一代独生子女进入婚育年龄,产生大量的双独家庭、单独家庭,不同家庭类型的变化将引起政策生育率自然回升,如果考虑到有部分家庭放弃生育二孩,则意愿生育率会低于政策生育率。本文从独生子女婚育选择的角度出发,使用相关调查数据分析,发现由双独家庭所产生"4-2-1"家庭的数目受政策微调生育的影响较小,政策微调可以大幅度降低一孩家庭的比例,二孩家庭比例的增加无疑会降低家庭风险,且不会大规模地增加出生人口数量,因此,中国应当对生育政策进行微调,增强人口结构的合理性。     

论农村人口控制的微观机制

要实现计划生育目标,必须有一套得力的人口控制机制。所谓人口控制机制,这有宏观微观之分。从微观来讲,主要是指在以家和户组成的村庄为基本单位的层面上使直接的人口生育在经济、社会各个关系之间形成有效的直接控制。它包括家庭经济发展和家庭生活的需要在家庭小环境中能自觉地控制人口,农村形成了良性运行的控制人口的微观机制。微观机制,在农村人口控制中具有重要的作用。一、人口生育首先是在家庭中进行的,主要地直接地表现为由夫妻双方组成的家庭而产生的一种生育行为。家庭夫妻的生育行为既要受到整个社会大环境的影响和制约,更重要的是由家庭小环境的直接制约和支配,是由家庭所处的经济社会环境而形成的生育观念所决定     

Cross-pressures and the European lavender vote: Testing the conditionality of the sexuality gap

Emerging evidence points towards the existence of a “sexuality gap” in the political preferences and behaviour of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) voters and that of heterosexuals in Western Europe. Very little is known, however, about how this gap is moderated by socio-economic status. This paper tests the conditionality of the sexuality gap by analysing how the effect of LGB status is conditioned by income and education. Empirically, we rely on data from the European Social Survey (2002–2017) to analyse the marginal effect of sexuality in determining ideological placement, vote choice and support for economic redistribution across different income and education levels. The results demonstrate that the divergence between LGBs' and heterosexuals’ preferences only emerges amongst those with higher income and education. The findings also suggest that the sexuality gap may be the result of the asymmetric effect of these socio-economic variables for LGBs and heterosexuals.     

用发展、变化的观点认识农村和农村经济——建设社会主义新农村的经济学理论思考

独立性、封闭性、落后性是传统农村与农村经济的基本特征。只有逐步改变传统农村和农村经济所固有的上述特征,不断调整历史上形成的城乡经济社会分割格局,才有可能从根本上克服作为各自独立的城市系统与农村系统所必然产生的一系列矛盾,并为整个经济社会的协调发展开辟广阔的前景。城乡一体化是建设社会主义新农村的必由之路。城市化应当是推动农村发展的城市化,社会主义新农村应当是城市化进程中的新农村。     

How to construct your sexuality according to French magazines

Gendered magazines are a major contemporary form of mediation, (re)production and organization of (hetero)sexuality. They illustrate how sexual activity and performance become the concern and responsibility of individuals who are able to invest time and resources in the construction of a sexually-skilled self. Drawing on contemporary research, the article seeks to promote a dialogue between media and communications research, analysing French media narratives on sexuality through the reading of a selection of articles from the best-selling summer magazines aimed at 18- to 25-year-old readers. The article uses a semiodiscursive analysis to understand how didactic models are made to (re)produce specific knowledge on sexuality and to ascertain that this knowledge is coded in an expertise discourse. Through the hypothesis of a didactic ambition, three didactic models are identified, and attention is here focused on the short-coming/reparative model, that simultaneously creates a dysfunction and a fix. The analysis eventually reveals that didactic models are made to organize social life by strictly dividing sexual and therefore social roles between “men” and “women”. The moral criteria called upon regulate the ideal treatment of those didactic modalities and the discourse in magazines ends up shaping sexuality as a contemporary moral economy, a problem that should be pragmatically treated through the use of a certain type of knowledge.     

No-Fly Zones: A New Model for Male Sexuality

The predominant paradigm nowadays for understanding male sexuality is derived from Kinsey's assumption that men can be classified as individuals with specific scores on a scale, scores that predict whether future partners will be male or female. Each man is defined by an essence, homo- or heterosexual or somewhere in between. However this is an incorrect view of male sexuality, because it makes us unable to say why a man is attracted to or has sex with a specific person: the same person can be attractive or unattrative depending on circumstances, and he can act or not act on his inclination depending on circumstances. The more correct view of male sexuality is thus of “fly” and “no-fly” zones, which understands male sexuality as defined by variable situations, not a score of the individual in all situations. This conception allows us to avoid the theoretical mistakes of the current assault on “sexual assault.”     

“Sexual Assault” and Other Buzz Phrases that Need to Die

Academics nowadays have invented many phrases for which they demand widespread acceptance that do not accurately represent reality, or which make no sense when we consider them closely. Prime among these is the concept of “sexual assault,” which has made its way into state laws and the UCMJ since its coinage in the 1960s and 1970s and is now a mainstay of training on college campuses. This concept is flawed because it includes all sexual actions under the rubric of the noun “assault,” as if we spoke of “driving aggression” rather than “aggressive driving,” to color all driving with the possibility of aggression. It is simply not true that sexuality is nothing but one more form aggression, and that all sex is potentially aggression if it is perceived by one partner as such. Another false coinage we are asked to accept is the notion that men “objectivize” women. In fact few men want to sleep with or get an erotic charge from objects; if anything the issue seems to be focus on physical details. Then there is the widely repeated assertion that “gender is assigned at birth.” Rather than debating whether or not this is so we should ask whether the concept itself makes sense. Assigned? By what entity? Just at birth? These are examples of linguistic over-reach, the attempt to change the world with words rather than letting a change in the way we see the world (Kuhn’s paradigm shift) produce corresponding words in a more gradual way that most of us can accept. Just because we hear these phrases all the time from professional wordsmith academics with axes to grind, we need not feel constrained to accept them if they are not accurate representations of the world.     

The Politicization of Marriage in Contemporary American Public Policy: The Defense of Marriage Act and the Personal Responsibility Act

The sexuality politics terrain in the United States is currently marked by a complex and contradictory set of developments‐non-traditional family structures are becoming more common, popular opinion is moving in a more tolerant direction, and the lesbian and gay rights movement has enjoyed some victories, but conservative family values and patriarchal heterosexual marriage have been vigorously promoted by influential right-wing social movements and more deeply institutionalized through important public policy initiatives and court decisions. This article considers the theoretical implications of these developments with respect to the conceptual approaches to citizenship and sexuality. It then analyses two major pieces of federal legislation in depth: the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and the Personal Responsibility Act (PRA). DOMA effectively encourages the states to ban same-sex marriages. The PRA is generally considered as a welfare 'reform' law that imposes compulsory 'workfare' schemes and time limits for benefit recipients. It nevertheless has a significant sexual regulation dimension. Both the religious right's campaign against same-sex marriage and the welfare reformers' attack on the rights of single mothers contribute to a reactionary politicization of marriage. In conclusion, the article contends that it is only insofar as lesbian and gay rights issues are understood more broadly as but one aspect of sexual regulation and citizenship rights struggles that we can develop more effective ways of advancing the sexual liberation movement as a whole.     

谣言、流言和传说——人类意义生产的三种非常信息传播形态

人是符号的动物。人类创造符号在于发现、生产和表达意义。在人类的表意系统中,反事实性的社会话语体裁占有相当重要的份量。从传播学的角度讲,反事实、非科学的社会话语主要是由三种非常规的信息传播形态——谣言、流言和传说——构造而成。三种信息传播形态的共性即非常性在于其传播脉络超脱于经验事实的约束而又很可能有用且可信。与此同时,三种非常的信息传播形态各有其独特的传播情境、功能和内容。     

The European lavender vote: Sexuality,ideology and vote choice in Western Europe

In many European democracies, political punditry has highlighted the attempts of political parties on the left to court the ‘lavender vote’ of lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals. This article examines the presence of a gay vote in Western Europe with a focus on assessing the role of sexuality in shaping individuals’ political preferences and voting behaviour. Empirically, the effect of sexuality on both ideological identification as well as party vote choice is analysed. Using a cumulative dataset of eight rounds of the European Social Survey between 2002 and 2017, this article demonstrates that partnered lesbians and gay men are more likely than comparable heterosexuals to identify with the left, support leftist policy objectives and vote for left-of-centre political parties. The analysis represents the first empirical cross-national European study of the voting behaviour of homosexual individuals and sheds new light on the importance of sexuality as a predictor of political ideology and voting behaviour within the Western European context.     

Potential impact on birth rates of reforms in laws governing contraceptive marketing

This article attempts to estimate the potential impact on birth rates of relaxing various legal restrictions on the marketing of contraceptives and to identify countries offering particular potential for such policies. The approach is through a quasi-experimental cross-sectional analysis of various configurations of laws in 82 countries. Results indicate that relaxation of a complex of interrelated restrictions offers the potential to lower birth rates and hence population growth by a full percentage point. The estimates are made in context of an analysis of covariance in which other key determinants of birth rates (measures of economic, demographic and health status) are also considered. While the cross-sectional design does not allow assessment of time frame for the impact of such changes, some guidance is available from the experience of two countries.     

Onerous passions: colonial anti-miscegenation rhetoric and the history of sexuality

ABSTRACT

Ehlers's analysis revisits Foucauldian conceptualizations of the history of sexuality in order to map the inextricability of race, gender and sexuality as they emerged in the context of the early American colonies. The salience of such an analysis lies in its ability to extend the terrain of Foucault's history, and brings new considerations to bear regarding the specific configurations of race, gender and sexual intersections in North American history. If, as Foucault insists, sexuality is a set of effects produced in bodies, behaviours and social relations, Ehlers reorients these claims to consider how these effects were racialized within the rubric of colonial anti-miscegenation rhetoric. Through such a tracing, it becomes evident that, from the early colonial context, sexuality was deployed to produce ‘ideal’ sexuality as a bastion of whiteness: that is, to configure and maintain ‘ideal’ sexuality as white.