社会主义市场经济体制下劳动关系的变化和工会工作

党的十一届三中全会以来,随着我国经济体制的发展,企业劳动关系发生了很大的变化。党的十四大、十四届四中全会明确提出,我国经济体制改革的目标模式是建立社会主义市场经济体制。以社会主义市场经济为取向的改革,促使企业劳动关系正在发生深刻变化。在这种形势下,企业工会面临着许多新情况,新问题,新矛盾。本文将进一步阐述社会主义市场经济体     

拓宽社会主义市场经济条件下思想政治工作的思路

拓宽社会主义市场经济条件下思想政治工作的思路袁浩基一、社会主义市场经济的健康发展为做好思想政治工作充分提供着有利条件社会主义市场经济体制是人类历史上的先进体制，它与资本主义的市场经济体制和传统的计划经济体制相比具有不可比拟的先进性。“存在决定意识”。...     

实践是深化认识劳动价值论的客观依据--论价值分配与价值创造的背离和复归

在市场经济条件下,劳动创造财富的同时,也是创造价值的惟一源泉.社会化大生产的不断发展,劳动创造价值愈加体现在人的智力和劳动的组织程度上.价值分配与价值创造的关系是现代社会生产关系与生产力的矛盾决定的,生产关系直接制约价值分配关系.应当把资本主义剥削方式与市场经济交换方式区分开来,搞清楚社会主义市场经济条件下按劳分配与按生产要素分配结合的客观依据.市场经济条件下的生产力发展本身存在着否定价值分配与价值创造背离的现象.社会主义市场经济条件下,随着现代科技进步,人的智能创造被充分挖掘,价值分配将越来越真实地反映价值创造.     

谈市场经济对党风建设的影响

谈市场经济对党风建设的影响石华一我们进行的改革开放和现代化建设，是坚持社会主义方向前提下的一场新的革命。以建立社会主义市场经济体制为目标的经济体制改革，必须以坚持四项基本原则特别是坚持共产党的领导作为前提条件和政治保证。建立社会主义市场经济体制是要把...     

中国特色社会主义新型劳动关系的基本内涵、特征及需要处理好的几个关系

胡锦涛同志明确指出,民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处是社会主义和谐社会的基本特征。劳动关系是社会关系的重要组成部分,因而建立中国特色社会主义新型劳动关系就成为构建社会主义和谐社会的重要基础。随着社会主义市场经济体制的建立．我国劳动关     

中国特色社会主义市场经济的优势和尚待关注的问题——纪念中国共产党创立90周年

中国特色社会主义的一个伟大创造就是实现了社会主义和市场经济的有机结合,创立了中国特色社会主义市场经济;改革开放30多年,特别是1992年正式创建社会主义市场经济体制以来.已初步显示出它的巨大优越性;中国特色社会主义市场经济尚在实践、发展中,虽已取得初步的成功,但一些问题正在凸现出来,有待我们高度关注和解决.     

毛泽东党风建设思想与社会主义市场经济

毛泽东党风建设思想与社会主义市场经济王世谊建立社会主义市场经济体制是我们国家富民强国的基本国策，发展市场经济更应该注意加强党风建设。在中国革命和建设过程中形成的毛泽东党风建设思想具有强大的生命力，其基本原理值得我们结合社会主义市场经济条件下的新形势继...     

党建学科建设亟需加强

（一）党的十一届三中全会以来，我国进行改革开放和现代化建设，确立了建立社会主义市场经济体制目标。到2000年和2010年，我国要建立初步的和比较完善的社会主义市场经济体制。实现这个目标．对党的领导和党的建设提出了新的更高的要求，进而对党建学科建设提出了新的更高的要求。就发展市场经济和党建学科建设而言，两者存在着辩证统一的关系。我国发展市场经济是社会主义的市场经济，其政治本质是共产党领导和社会主义制度。同时，在我国的条件下，能否充分利用人类社会、特别是市场经济的文明成果，关键就在于坚持和改善党的领导，加强…     

思想政治工作需要自我规范来补充

思想政治工作需要自我规范来补充广西百色甘化股份有限公司黄向红建立社会主义市场经济体制的最新实践，给我国的社会主义经济带来巨大的变化，经济活动增添了活力，资源配置渐趋合理，普遍地激发人们为创造经济效益而奋发向上的热情．人民群众普遍得到实惠，收入有所提高...     

在时代视阈下认识中国特色社会主义制度的历史方位

中国特色社会主义制度的根本标志是社会主义市场经济体制。认识中国特色社会主义制度的历史方位,主要也就归结为认识社会主义市场经济体制的历史方位。时代的发展变化,是中国特色社会主义在制度体系构建中选择市场经济体制的根本原因。以马克思的"三种社会形态"理论为依据认识社会主义市场经济体制,可以看到,它是市场经济体制发展的更高阶段,是人类进入理想社会的最后一个阶梯。     

习近平生态文明思想的理论内涵与时代价值

习近平生态文明思想是着眼于人类文明形态转换的历史视野的一种文明观,它涉及经济社会发展全局以及人类社会发展的总体性方向,具有深刻的理论内涵,主要包括"人与自然和谐共生"的生态自然观、"绿水青山就是金山银山"的生态发展观、"五位一体"的生态社会观、"环境就是民生"的生态民生观。习近平生态文明思想具有巨大的时代价值,它为新时代中国特色社会主义生态文明建设指明了实践路径,极大地推动了我国经济社会的全面发展;把环境需要纳入人民的美好生活需要之中,极大地拓展了人民美好生活的内涵;把人与自然的生命共同体纳入人类命运共同体之中,为全人类的生态文明建设提供了中国智慧和中国方案。     

中国共产党的伟大理论贡献

百年来,中国共产党坚持马克思主义与中国实际相结合,领导人民取得了革命、建设和改革开放的伟大成就,同时坚持理论创新,为马克思列宁主义的丰富与发展做出了卓越的理论贡献。新民主主义革命和社会主义建设的理论贡献包括:农村包围城市、武装夺取政权理论;新民主主义革命理论;丰富和发展了党的建设理论与统一战线理论;社会主义国家根本制度理论;对中国社会主义建设道路的探索。改革开放大政方针和中国特色社会主义的理论贡献包括:社会主义初级阶段理论;社会主义本质和改革开放动力理论;社会主义初级阶段基本经济制度理论;社会主义市场经济体制理论;政治体制改革和社会主义民主建设理论;“三个代表”重要思想;科学发展观和对外开放理论。新时代中国特色社会主义思想的理论贡献包括:中国特色社会主义建设基本方略;社会主义新发展阶段理论;丰富和发展了加强党的领导理论;强化以人民为中心的理念;我国社会主要矛盾变化理论;推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化理论;总体国家安全观理论;构建人类命运共同体理论。     

浅析中国市场经济发展过程中的政治民主化

市场经济的迅猛发展使我国的经济结构、社会生活、大众心态等发生了重大变化。经济的深刻转型客观上要求民主政治建设与市场经济发展同步。基于我国复杂的历史背景和发展现状,我国政治民主化在经历了长期、曲折的过程之后,必然会逐步探索出一种新型的、现代化的社会主义民主政治体制,从而完善我国社会主义民主政治。     

全面准确地理解马克思早年的“跨越”思想

马克思早年的“跨越”思想和晚年的“跨越”思想一样,指的都是“跨越”资本主义的经济制度,而不是指“跨越”政治革命和政治解放,直接实现社会革命和人类解放。马克思早年“跨越”思想的理论基础是“共同胜利论”和“发达国家带动论”。19世纪40年代,德国的社会性质是半封建半资本主义社会,德国的资本主义制度已经存在并正在发展。马克思、恩格斯把此时代的德国看作是“支配着世界市场”,并能首先进行无产阶级革命,建立共产主义社会的国家,因此认为德国能把前资本主义国家或非资本主义国家带到共产主义新社会中去,因而也不存在跨越“资本主义制度的卡夫丁峡谷”问题。     

Practices and meanings of non-professional stock-trading in Taiwan: a case of relational work

Non-professional investors, especially outside the Anglo-Saxon context, represent an important and under-researched topic for sociological studies of finance. The paper presents a qualitative study of non-professional investors in Taiwan, where levels of participation in the stock market are very high. It shows that investors are embedded in complex networks of social relations, cultural norms and economic projects. We use Zelizer’s notions of ‘relational work’ and ‘earmarking’ to explore how economic relations construct and reinforce social relations: investing is productive of, as well as derived from, social structures. Stock market participation secures access to social groupings and reproduces hierarchical relations in families and social networks. Our study seeks to highlight the relational content of financial markets, and calls for further investigation of the relational work performed by the material-calculative architectures of high finance.     

试析毛泽东的国情观——纪念毛泽东逝世30周年

毛泽东是对近代中国国情研究的典范。他深刻洞悉中国半殖民地、半封建的社会性质;科学分析半殖民地半封建社会的阶级关系;深刻认识中国社会经济发展的不平衡性和矛盾的复杂性;客观分析革命根据地社会经济状况与阶级关系,为正确制定新民主主义的革命纲领奠定了坚实的基础。     

Capitalism,nature, socialism a theoretical introduction∗

This article expounds the traditional Marxist theory of the contradiction between forces and relations of production, over‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of productive forces and production relations into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. This exposition provides a point of departure for an “ecological Marxist”; theory of the contradiction between capitalist production relations and forces and the conditions of production, under‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of production conditions and the social relations thereof also into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. In short, there may be not one but two paths to socialism in late capitalist society.

While the two processes of capital over‐production and underproduction are by no means mutually exclusive, they may offset or compensate for one another in ways which create the appearance of relatively stable processes of capitalist development. Study of the combination of the two processes in the contemporary world may throw light on the decline of traditional labor and socialist movements and the rise of “new social movements”; as agencies of social transformation. In similar ways that traditional Marxism illuminates the practises of traditional labor movements, it may be that “ecological Marxism”; throws light on the practices of new social movements. Although ecology and nature; the politics of the body, feminism, and the family; and urban movements and related topics are usually discussed in post‐Marxist terms, the rhetoric deployed in this article is self‐consciously Marxist and designed to appeal to Marxist theorists and fellow travelers whose work remains within a “scientific”; discourse hence those who are least likely to be convinced by post‐Marxist discussions of the problem of capital's use and abuse of nature (including human nature) in the modern world. However, the emphasis in this article on a political economic “scientific”; discourse is tactical, not strategic. In reality, more or less autonomous social relationships, often non‐capitalist or anti‐capitalist, constitute “civil society,”; which needs to be addressed on its own practical and theoretical terms. In other words, social and collective action is not meant to be construed merely as derivative of systemic forces, as the last section of the article hopefully will make clear.     

‘Democratic Socialism’ and the Concept of (Post)Capitalism

This article explores the ‘democratic socialism’ being proposed by new left movements on either side of the Atlantic, and evaluates its claim to be a form of anti- or postcapitalism. It argues that in the democratic socialist worldview, the line between capitalism and socialism rests on the balance of power between workers and capitalists in the economic sphere. While traditional social democracy seeks to redistribute wealth but leaves relations between workers and capitalists within firms untouched, democratic socialism seeks to abolish private property in the economic sphere. Production is controlled democratically by the workers themselves, in league with a workers’ state. The article critically appraises the claim that such a scenario constitutes a form of postcapitalism. Drawing on the work of critical Marxists such as Moishe Postone, it argues that capitalism is not primarily defined by private property relations in the economic sphere, but rather the peculiar social form of capitalist labour. Unlike in pre-capitalist societies, for labour in capitalism to secure a continued basis on which to reproduce the means of subsistence, it must be socially validated as ‘value-producing’. The criteria for value validation is not set in the workplace, or within a single nation state, but rather on the world market. The article concludes that, for all its merits, the democratisation of workplaces does not overcome the need for this social validation, but rather constitutes an alternative form of managing the process of production in this context. As such, democratic socialism, like social democracy, remains susceptible to the same imperatives and crises as other forms of capitalist production, and so cannot be said to constitute a form of ‘postcapitalism’.     

Contests of citizenship: A comment

The language of citizenship is one of authority, legitimation and contest. Citizenship rights were brought about in some parts of Europe through struggle and revolution, and even then excluded the masses and women. But the ‘law‐state’ and constitutions they established were the necessary conditions for subsequent struggles by these sectors for inclusion and ultimately for cultural and social citizenship. The advocacy of human rights is frequently denounced as ‘Western’ imposition of an individualism alien to other cultures, but these culturalist defences act as a cover for communitarian and state authoritarianism. The establishment of legal rights does not contradict social bonds, but can ensure reciprocity of obligations and protection from communal authority. This is specially pertinent for women. Social bonds are not peculiar to the ‘East’ or ‘South’, but are universal, including the mythical ‘West’, and legal rights for the individual are a necessary condition for achieving justice in social relations.     

Community welfare services in Urban China: A public-private experiment

The social welfare system in China has been undergoing transition since the economic reform in 1978 when the Chinese government began introducing a series of welfare changes aimed at shifting responsibility from the government to a combination of government, communities, enterprises and individuals. Consequently, many cities in China have been experimenting with community-based welfare services — a state-sanctioned practice based on socialist ideology, but at the same time market driven and incorporating the private sector. This new welfare approach started an ongoing dialogue in China regarding the role of the public and private sectors in social welfare, the balance between socialist and capitalist values, and the input of the free market and political democracy. This paper presents a case study of an urban community in Beijing. It examines the policy of community-based services and discusses its implementation in urban communities. The research suggests that the public-private coordination is, within limits, effective in meeting people’s needs in the community. However, further attention should be given to the sharing of responsibility for welfare between the public and private sectors so as to protect vulnerable populations. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Denver. Her major interests of research focus on social development and community service, law and social work, and comparative welfare policies. He was also chair professor of Social Work Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and founding Dean of the School of Social Development at the University of Minnesota-Duluth. He has written extensively on international social development and human security.