“共和同化原则”面临挑战——法国的移民问题

法国在历史上属于对外来移民开放的国家。法国人从大革命起便树立起这样一种理想观念:在统一和不可分割的共和国中,所有人都享有平等地位,国家对公民一视同仁。在这种观念指导下,法国把自己变成一个“大熔炉”,所有外来移民都应当放弃自己原来的语言、文化和宗教,接受共和国的同化,以便成为法国公民。这种“大一统”的共和同化政策在19世纪对来自欧洲诸国的移民颇为有效。但二战后的新移民多来自阿拉伯和非洲地区,且信仰穆斯林教,这便超越了法国“大熔炉”的同化能力。如今,移民问题已成为法国面临的重大挑战。法国的社会文化结构正在由共和“大一统”模式向多元文化社会模式演变。     

法国左右两大派的分野、变迁及前景

法国在政治理论和实践方面为世界各国提供了众多模式与启示,左右两大派的分野便是其中之一。这一政治分野在大革命后逐步形成,在法国的政治和社会生活及人们的意识中产生了深刻影响,并成为法兰西政治文化的重要组成部分。冷战结束后,在全球化和欧洲一体化的背景下,法国的国际地位和国内社会政治生活环境都发生了重大变化。法兰西民族原有的政治特性,如中央集权传统、共和同化原则、特立独行的外交路线等均受到新因素的影响,左右两大派的分野也不例外。考察和分析法国左右两派的分野、变迁及前景有益于我们深入理解法国正在经历着的政治文化重组。     

法兰西民族国家的确立

民族主义运动与民族国家的形成是18世纪欧洲现代化的重要现象。然而，各个地区不同的文化和社会现实使得彼此之间民族主义的内涵与民族国家形成的方式迥异。法兰西民族主义孕育于启蒙时期，洋溢着对民主、平等和自由的呼求。法国大革命将这种理念具体到了国家和民众之上。虽然民族主义复辟王朝历经了一些曲折，但随着七月王朝的建立和同时期工业的快速发展，民族主义又再次复兴，而法国在政治、社会和文化上开始出现重大转蛮．民族国家№随乡确寺。     

法国移民问题探析

20世纪以来,随着经济全球化和人口流动的频繁,移民问题越来越成为全世界关注的焦点。在一些老牌移民国家,这一客居的少数群体,由于自身的异质性与特殊性,越来越多地被接收国视为国家—民族建构的威胁与阻力。由此,"共和(同化)主义"、"多元文化主义"以及"交融文化主义"等国家—民族整合理念也引发了学界的反思与讨论。移民政策何去何从?法国在移民方面的政策演变与历史经验无疑值得深入研究。本文将从展现移民历史以及围绕"移民"产生的各种问题入手,总结和分析法国移民整合政策的变化,最终揭示政策变化背后所反映的思想理念的转变。     

“小国家”整合“大民族”——瑞士国家与民族建构的历史进程

本文主要分析瑞士如何在强邻并立的严峻地缘政治环境中生存下来,并在国内不同语言、文化的族群中打造出统一的瑞士国家与民族认同和稳定的国家体制。传统观点将瑞士联邦政府实施的"直接民主"、联邦制下的地方自治,以及对不同语言和多元文化的保护政策等看做是保持国内各个族群,特别是使用不同语言的居民之间能够和平、和睦相处的"灵丹妙药",把瑞士树立成"不同民族间融合"以及成功解决"民族间冲突"的一个典范。但是从历史的角度来看,这些具体的政策和制度并非瑞士国家和民族建构成功的原因,而是它的结果。瑞士建国进程中所面临的初始条件、外部威胁、地缘政治和战争冲突等因素才是决定其成功建立统一的国家和民族认同的关键所在。     

文化认同理论与欧洲一体化

文化认同是欧洲一体化中的一个重要理论概念。增强对欧洲这一特定地理区域和文化政治实体的认同意识 ,不仅为欧洲公民接受政治经济统一的现实奠定了心理和文化基础 ,也影响和制约着欧洲一体化的未来进展。然而在民族国家观念依然盛行的今天 ,文化认同更多地指向民族层面 ,以欧洲为价值核心和基础的文化认同感相对较为薄弱。为此 ,应当从欧洲文化的同一性入手 ,通过发掘和强调欧洲文化的共性以及加强欧洲范围的文化交流与合作 ,建构超越民族的欧洲文化认同 ,使欧洲朝向更为紧密的统一体发展。     

浪漫主义史学与19世纪中期美利坚民族认同的构建

美国的浪漫主义史学对自然的关注赋予了19世纪中期的移民不同于欧洲的自然的属性,这种界定确立了美国人对新土地和新环境的认同。浪漫主义对于民族文化和民族精神的强调使乔治·班克罗夫特等史学家在对美国立国历程的叙述中,揭示了美利坚民族的源起、民族特性,以及美利坚的民族使命等重要主题。由于浪漫主义史学的观念建立在社会共识的基础上,19世纪中期的美国正处于文化独立和寻求自我认同的过程中,所以历史著作中凸显的美利坚特性有助于公众认识自身的源起,也使这个年轻的民族找到了未来使命之所在。浪漫主义史学观念对于民族国家历史的认识,推动了理念上和现实中的美国公民身份的塑造,从而推动了美利坚民族认同的构建。     

法国政治认同研究

社会经济发展引起了经济结构和文化价值观的变化，与此同时也带来了民众政治信仰和政治意愿的变化以及民众对政党态度的变化。法国的经济模式长期表现出对全球化的不适应性，这种不适应性所引起的社会危机进而又带来了法国民众的政治认同危机。而政治认同的危机反过来加重了法国的社会问题，增加了执政党的执政成本，外交成本以及维护法国国际地位的成本。法国的政治认同危机是欧洲形势的一个缩影。对于法国情况的了解有助于更好地了解欧洲政治生态。     

论法国移民政策共和同化模式的历史、现状与发展

本文从法国移民政策共和同化模式的基本理念出发,梳理法国移民历史,探讨治理现状;同时基于现代族群理论,分析其局限性及原因;继而,进一步阐释新形势下马克龙政府对共和同化模式的两大基础“世俗化”与“平等”原则的重新解读;最后,文章将分析2018年至今法国《移民法》改革中共和同化模式的变化与发展趋势。通过观察和研究,我们发现法国移民政策逐渐从原来的单向统一模式转变成带有倾向性的开放性模式,法国政府对共和同化模式的态度是坚持、加强、改革和完善,在秉承法兰西传统价值观的前提下,建立一个全面与个性化相结合的移民政策体系。     

从文化共同体到后古典民族国家:德国民族国家演进浅析

长期封建割据造成德国民族国家的形成晚于英、法等传统西方国家。其建立民族国家的路径是先有民族,后有国家。德国民族国家是建立在由血缘、历史、语言、文化等要素构成的"文化共同体"的基础上,这一文化共同体同时也构成了德国民族认同的核心要素。受到历史和地缘政治因素的影响,德国民族国家的发展道路较为特殊,这也决定了其融入西方过程的曲折与漫长。20世纪90年代,两德重新统一后,德国与其他欧盟成员国一样进入后古典民族国家形态,将主权部分地让渡给超国家共同体。德国民族国家目前需要解决的是欧盟治理结构中的"新德国问题"。     

A Study of Nation Building in Malaysia

Nation building is a major issue in the political agenda of many countries, a project made more arduous in countries fragmented along racial, linguistic, and religious lines. In an attempt to gain some understanding of the issue, this paper examines the trajectory of nation building in Malaysia. Basically, the Malaysia government uses the model of nation-state to create a sense of collective national identity in a multi-ethnic society. It is a top-down approach with the state playing a dominating role. The main political parties are communal parties, based on race or religion. Well-crafted programs of nation building have been not properly implemented. While the government has achieved impressive economic development, it is at the same time becoming more authoritarian and the country faces a range of disturbing social and political problems. Thanks to a growing educated middle class, urbanization, demographic change, globalization, and the spread of the Internet, mass-based civil movements and a multi-ethnic coalition of opposition parties have emerged with the potential of redressing the situation. The study suggests a framework for understanding the trajectory and dynamics of the nation-building project in Malaysia. The framework gives a list of historical forces that are likely to shape the course of nation building in the coming years.     

The end of the affair? Germany's relationship with France

French–German resistance to the US war against Iraq marked a high point in the two countries' political alignment. It was followed by French proposals for even closer integration. Yet French and German policies and priorities differ in a number of fields. Prominent among these is the EU, where Germany has long worked for a reduction in EU spending and a redistribution of votes among the member countries. After reaching a compromise on these issues, co-operation with France on foreign and security policy has grown particularly close. This has affected Germany's relations with Central and Eastern Europe and with the US, areas where Germany traditionally pursued policies different from France. At the end of the second period of the Red–Green government, Germany's national interests have been redefined as a result of the relationship with France.     

Von ethnischer zu republikanischer Integration

This article analyzes the political debate and the policy process leading up to the unusual outcome of the German Citizenship Law Reform in 1999 in comparative perspective. The reform provided a very liberal ius soli-introduction and at the same time kept a restrictive attitude toward dual citizenship. This somewhat contradictory outcome is essentially the result of a compromise between two opposing political camps holding quite different interpretations of the relationship between state and citizen, the function of citizenship law, and the integration of both immigrants and overall society. It is argued that the delay of citizenship law reform in Germany, at least during the last fifteen years, cannot be explained by means of an ethnic concept of nation, as many scholars have contended. Rather it is characterized by a persisting ideological conflict structure, which has been reinforced by institutional patterns of the political and legal system. The opposing views regarding the significance of citizenship are embedded within republicanism, stressing citizenship as activity on the one hand and citizenship as a right on the other hand. The two perspectives differ with respect to the functions of citizenship and the position of state and citizens within polities.     

Ideological struggle during the formative years of the Turkish Republic

The meaning of republicanism in Turkish political thought is unclear. It has been viewed as a force for modernization and secularization that reached its apotheosis in the Republic founded by Mustafa Kemal. Another widely accepted scholarly view is that the Turkish Republic and its ideology, Kemalism, emerged abruptly in 1923 without any intellectually substantial foundation. This article challenges these views and demonstrates, by contrast, that it is a mistake to understand Turkish republicanism exclusively in Kemalist terms. In the formative period of the Republic (1922–24), its intellectual founders crushed all contesting and rival political viewpoints. The new state's foundational ideology was the sole victor among competing conceptions of Islamic and liberal republicanism. Modern-day Turkish republicanism represents the outcome of centuries of intellectual dispute between these conceptions.     

A feeling for justice: French reactions to the ‘finnish cause’ between 1890 and 1917

At the turn of the century, Finnish networks in France managed to raise consciousness about Finland and the Finnish situation among certain groups within the French intellectual and political elite. If the French reactions to the ‘Finnish cause’ remained ambiguous, the Finns in Paris and their French interlocutors managed to paint a certain picture of Finland, its political and juridical situation with the Russian empire, and its national development. Until 1917 French leaders continued to emphasize the alliance with Russia against the German threat. Yet the image of Finland and the Finnish networks created in France before the First World War prepared France and the French leadership to see Finland in a certain way when the time came to decide whether or not to recognize Finnish independence.     

Le probléme des origines des Assemblées d'États: Réflexions méthodologiques à la lumière de l'histoire sud‐est européenne de l'institution

Summary

This paper examines the relations between republican and democratic forces in Restoration Spain. From the middle of the last century, republicanism was the political movement most clearly involved with the democratization of Spanish politics. After the collapse of the 1873 Republic, the republican movement went through a severe crisis which led to its fragmentation over issues both of principle (federalists against unitarists) and of practice (revolutionaries against reformists). Between 1873 and 1931 Spanish republicanism underwent a marked transformation. The old republicanism was characterized by the modes of political activity of the nineteenth century — the club, the committee, the masonic lodge. The new republicanism, on the other hand, emerged from the first decade of the present century clearly moving in the direction of the modern political parties which finally crystallized out in 1931. Together the Radical and the Reformist parties are a case‐study in the transition between the classical and the modern which perfectly exemplifies the hybrid nature of republican democracy.

Though Spanish republicanism was socially heterogeneous, embracing within its various parts elements of the upper and middle bourgeoisie, substantial sections of the petty, urban bourgeoisie, and a declining, but still numerous, section of the working class, it still needed an alliance with the socialists (the Conjunción of 1910). However, what was most notable about Spanish republicanism was its link with the intelligentsia; it was they who gave it its character and who made the greatest effort to integrate Spain into the most modern currents of European thought.     

‘Belmopan. A New Capital for a New Nation’ State,Nation and Ethnicity at the Time of Independence

In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national ‘us’ and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of ‘divide and rule’. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of ‘citizenship from below’.     

Anarchism, Internationalism and Nationalism in Europe, 1860–1939

This article is part of a broader project on the social history or histories of anarchism. The standard accounts of anarchism (Nettlau, Joll, Woodcock, Marshall etc.) have been combinations of the histories of ideas and political/social movements. A larger project I am engaged in uses another methodology and is reliant upon the vast outpouring of published and unpublished academic writing on social history that has been produced since the 1960s. I will cover only several interconnected themes here: anarchism, internationalism and nationalism in Europe. This article will give a synoptic overview of the internationalism of the European anarchist and syndicalist movements during the “classical” period of anarchism (1860–1939). It focuses on the First and Second Internationals and the birth of the Third. It examines the ideology and culture of Internationalism, which was the nursery of the modern anarchist movement. The linkage between federalist and regionalist republicanism is stressed and the legacy of the Paris Commune of 1871 is highlighted. The desire to secure a global level playing field in labour markets promoted labour internationalism during the First International and a revival of this strategy by anarchists and syndicalists during the era of the Second International. The mismatch of industrial development and union density between industrialised Britain or Germany and artisanal and industrialising France and southern Europe limited internationalism in the 1860s and the 1900s. Equally the patriotic legacy of the Commune of Paris undermined the internationalism of anarchists and syndicalists when war broke out in 1914. In 1917–1918 anarchist and syndicalist internationalism seemed to be revived as Europe entered a period of revolutionary discontent. But very quickly the Bolsheviks and the Soviet Union channelled this wave into the Third International and ultimately the interests of the newly born Soviet State. Anarchist and syndicalist internationalism had little effect on the fortunes of the anarchists in the Spanish Civil War in a world of nation‐states and state‐centric political parties and movements.     

Between indifference and hesitation: France and EU enlargement towards the Balkans

Abstract

France’s hesitant stance on EU enlargement towards the Balkans is illustrative of a broader ambivalence among both French elites and citizens towards the European project. Despite principled support for the Balkans’ EU membership, achieving this step is no strategic priority for France. The official approach emphasizes strict conditionality and a rigorous monitoring of reform progress in aspirant countries. A hostile public opinion and superficial media coverage further strengthen the country’s reluctance to admit new, possibly unprepared candidates into the Union. Analysing the historical evolution of the French position on EU enlargement as well as its current political, institutional and societal expressions, this article construes France’s disinvestment from the Balkans’ EU perspective as the result of failed expectations and a growing disillusionment with the EU’s international role and its political future more broadly.     

The All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries and French Intellectuals, 1925–29

The 1920s and 1930s were years of active personal support for the USSR by a number of eminent French intellectuals who assisted in the creation of an image of the USSR in French public opinion. This was largely based on their perceptions of the social, political and cultural achievements in Soviet society. Analysis of the archival, and mainly unpublished, documents of VOKS (the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries) illustrate the true nature of an organisation that claimed to have been created in order to promote international cultural relations. The internal correspondence and reports reveal the mechanisms used by VOKS from its inception in order to create, foster, and manipulate relations with numerous members of the French intelligentsia. Also revealed in this paper is the leading role played by VOKS in the creation of the USSR-France "cultural" friendship societies, its policies concerning the selection and treatment of French visitors, and other features of political propaganda that have been commonly considered to belong to the period of the 1930s.