工人阶级始终是党的阶级基础

改革开放以来,随着世界科技的飞速发展,以及我国社会阶层构成发生的新变化,有一个重要的基本问题需要加以再认识,这就是党的阶级基础问题。有人认为,在新形势下,党的阶级基础已经发生了变化。究竟如何认识这个问题?江泽民同志“三个代表”重要思想为我们提供了正确认识的理论依据。“三个代表”与马克思主义、毛泽东思     

社会阶层固化:应积极应对的严峻挑战

我国社会阶层结构固化,主要表现为社会阶层流动放缓,代际继承性增强、代内流动性减弱,社会阶层边界逐渐明晰。这种变化对党带来的挑战主要是:工农阶层地位的相对下降可能削弱党的阶级基础和群众基础,低收入阶层的相对固化可能影响他们对党的理论、路线的认同,社会阶层之间的矛盾增加了党的阶级阶层政策选择的难度。打破阶层固化的对策是:促进经济发展,创造更多就业机会,推动阶层流动;加速推进收入分配制度改革,缩小贫富差距,畅通阶层流动渠道;加大扶贫开发力度,提高农民收入;深入推进教育体制改革,解决教育不公问题,为阶层流动扫除障碍。     

增强党的阶级基础与扩大党的群众基础的历史与现实依据

中国共产党80年的奋斗历程、世界共产主义运动由兴到衰的沉痛历史教训以及社会民主党和社会党国际不断发展壮大的有益借鉴,是我们在新时期增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础的历史依据;中国工人阶级自身的变化、新的社会阶层的出现、中国共产党的执政地位及其在新世纪所承担的历史使命,是我们增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础的现实依据;增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础二者是辨证统一的关系。     

不断扩大党的群众基础

改革开放以来,我国社会阶层构成发生了深刻变化,出现了一些新的社会阶层。针对社会阶层构成的变化,不断扩大党的群众基础,提高党的社会影响力,对于巩固党的执政地位,加强党的建设和顺利推进现代化建设事业,具有极其重要的现实意义。为此,要坚持改革创新精神,深化思想理论认识,按照既积极又稳妥的原则,大胆细致地做好在新的社会阶层中发展党员的工作。     

论新的历史条件下党的阶级基础

改革开放以来，工人阶级队伍在职工数量、成员构成、文化技术素质、劳动就业关系、思想价值观念以及队伍内部结构等方面正经历着深刻的变化。工人阶级不是一个固定不变的社会群体，而是一个与时俱进、与世俱进的先进阶级。它仍然是当代中国先进社会生产力的代表，仍然是我们国家的领导阶级，仍然是我们党的阶级基础。巩固党的阶级基础，需要研究解决一系列新课题。     

论依靠工人阶级与团结新兴阶层的关系

中国共产党是中国工人阶级的组织者和领导者,其阶级基础是工人阶级。改革开放以来,工人阶级不仅仍然是先进生产力的代表者,而且是先进文化和先进生产关系的代表,因此,执政党必须全心全意依靠工人阶级,巩固党的阶级基础。同时,也要正确认识和对待改革开放以来出现的新兴社会阶层,给予准确定性、定位,加强同他们的团结和合作,并把他们中的优秀分子吸收入党,提高党的影响力,扩大党的群众基础。巩固党的阶级基础与扩大党的群众基础是相互依存、相互促进的,都是为了巩固党的执政地位。     

我国社会阶层分化对党的执政基础的影响

随着经济体制改革的逐步推进和深化,旧的社会资源占有基础上的利益格局被打破,原有的社会阶级阶层不断分化,一些新兴的社会阶层出现了,这种变化使社会结构更趋复杂化、多样化。可以肯定,这种分化在今后较长时期内仍将继续进行。社会阶层结构的变迁,已经并将继续对中国共产党的执政基础产生重大而深远的影响。     

关于加强非公有制经济组织党建工作的几点思考

加强非公有制经济组织党建工作 ,是巩固党的执政基础的需要 ;必须结合改革开放以来的实际 ,正确认识非公有制企业的作用以及新出现的社会阶层 ;要按照“三个代表”重要思想的要求 ,结合新的实践与时俱进 ,进一步推进非公有制经济组织党建工作 ,探索扩大党的阶级基础和群众基础的新思路     

社会阶层变化对党的群众基础的影响及对策思考

当代中国社会阶层的变化对党的群众基础产生了双重影响.积极影响包括:优化了人力资源的配置和流动,推动了当代中国民主化和法制化进程;消极影响包括:社会阶层之间的矛盾凸显,社会新阶层政治诉求的不断增强给扩大党的群众基础提出了新课题,农村基层党组织建设面临新挑战.为此,一要注重社会利益整合,调节社会利益关系;二要多管齐下,加强党的建设,增强党在群众中的感召力和凝聚力.     

在街道社区和非公有制经济组织中发展党员工作的探索

党的十六大明确指出：“要把承认党的纲领和章程、自觉为党的路线和纲领而奋斗、经过长期考验、符合党员条件的其他社会阶层的先进分子吸收到党内来，增强党在全社会的影响力和凝聚力”。因此，抓好在街道社区和新经济组织中的党员发展工作，是增强党的阶级基础，扩大党的群众基础，提高党在全社会的凝聚力和影响力的必然要求，也是引导街道社区和新经济组织快速健康发展的客观要求。     

从东亚经验看我国扩大中等收入者比重的重要性

中等收入阶层在西方世界的兴起，使世界资本主义进入一个以大众阶层为主体的新发展时期，并带来国际关系的重大变化；伴随产业升级和吸引外来直接投资的多元化，中等收入阶层在日本和东亚其他国家现代化转型中开始扮演重要角色；发展中等收入阶层是我国在特定历史条件下发展开放型市场经济的前提条件和必然结果，也是我国在本世纪中叶达到中等发达水平、全面建成小康社会的客观要求。     

阶层和谐——构建和谐社会的关键

随着社会主义市场经济的深入发展,中国社会阶层分化日益凸显。阶层之间的利益冲突直接导致阶层矛盾扩大化,这就给我们构建社会主义和谐社会提出了巨大挑战。和谐社会的基础是保持社会稳定,而稳定的发展环境是当今中国最需要的。只有做到了阶层和谐才能让社会稳定,因而如何做到阶层和谐是构建和谐社会的关键。     

全面建成小康社会背景下的中国社会结构变迁

全面建成小康社会,是我国实现社会结构现代化的一个重要阶段。在迈向全面建成小康社会的历史征程中,中国社会结构发生了深刻变革,经历了从“四大阶级”到“两个阶级、一个阶层”,再到“多元化社会阶层”的历史性巨变,初步呈现出现代化社会结构的基本雏形特征。透过社会结构变迁轨迹可以发现,社会结构变迁具有自身客观规律,社会结构必须与经济结构相协调,中产化是社会阶层结构发展趋势,调整社会结构必须创新社会治理,发展生产力是优化社会结构之本。充分把握社会结构变迁规律,有助于更好推进我国社会结构现代化进程。     

新社会阶层的参政诉求是做好统战工作的积极因素

新世纪新阶段,努力做好对新社会阶层的统战工作,充分认识和发挥新社会阶层的作用,是能否实现全面建设小康社会奋斗目标的关键之一。认真分析新社会阶层的特点,有针对性地开展工作,才能充分发挥新社会阶层在我国改革、发展、稳定及构建社会主义和谐社会中的作用。     

A Very Peculiar Revolution: Britain's Politics and Constitution, 1970–2011

Britain's constitution has changed dramatically over the past forty years in which the author has been involved in national politics: devolution, the supremacy of EU law, the greater willingness of the judiciary to intervene in political issues and new human rights legislation. However these changes have been essentially random, argues David Lipsey, lacking any binding theme. These changes continue under the new coalition government. However the even greater changes to British politics have essentially a single source: the dramatic change in social class in Britain and its impact on electoral politics—for example the rise of the media and the decline of ideology     

我国社区警务发展趋势及改革对策

我国社区警务战略实施10年以来,取得了一定成绩,然而在近几年实践工作中,社区警务工作呈现出诸多新特点,制约着社区警务的发展.根据我国社区警务的发展趋势,结合实际,分析影响我国社区警务发展的因素,并提出相应的改革措施,对创新社会管理,维护社会治安具有重要意义.     

Local School Choice Policies in Sweden

More choice for parents and students is a major recent change in school policies in most Western countries. In Sweden, these changes coincided with the decentralization of power and responsibilities within primary and secondary education from central to local government. This gave municipalities an important role in the actual implementation of choice policies. The question addressed here is how and why local authorities vary with regard to their promotion of choice in schooling. A theory of local government school choice policies is developed, focusing on the social and political composition of the locality. Four factors are seen as likely to be particularly important: the strength of liberal conservatism, the size of the middle class, ethnic diversity and urban location. The empirical investigation is based on data from the 288 municipalities in Sweden. All four factors turn out to be important, but contrary to previous assumptions, choice policies are not primarily linked to the success of the Moderate (Conservative) Party. Instead, the strength of the middle class is the major explanation. In Sweden, but also in other Western societies, the middle class has emerged as the dominant social stratum. Middle class parents, who themselves are well educated, take a keen interest in their children's education and are more likely to demand greater opportunities for choice. In the final analysis, this is linked to the changing position of the Social Democratic Party and its aim to broaden its electoral basis by appealing to middle class voters.     

Progressive Politics in a Changing World: Challenging the Fallacies of Blue Labour

In Britain and across Europe, the social alliances that sustained progressive politics for a century are disintegrating. The financial crisis of 2007–8 showed that Labour and its ‘third way’ European followers had got the economics of modern capitalism wrong. With the mainstream left compromised, it has been the nationalist right that has benefitted, re-defining politics around issues of nation, culture and identity. What is surprising is the number of influential voices across the centre and left of politics who have accepted much of this far-right analysis and adopted its language and terminology. These trends, especially post-Brexit, have crystallised in the UK around the label of ‘Blue Labour’. This article examines the fallacies and flaws of the Blue Labour tendency in four key areas—class, economy, family and race—and suggests alternative ways forward, which seek to forge rather than disrupt alliances between the working class and new social movements.     

Green Politics and the New Class: Selfishness or Virtue?

The predominantly new middle-class social composition of the green movement has become a matter of increasing interest in the wake of the success of green parties and the growth of an international green movement. This paper considers the concept of the 'new class' in relation to two explanations for the social composition of the green movement. The class-interest argument seeks to show that green politics is a means of furthering either middle-class or new-class interests while the 'new childhood' argument claims that the development of the green movement is the result of the spread of post-material values, the main bearers of which are the new class. Against these arguments a more comprehensive explanation is presented, which focuses on the education of the new class and its relative structural autonomy from the production process.     

Right-Libertarian Parties and the “New Values”: A Re-examination*

Among the most noted and studied societal tendencies of recent decades have been those associated with structural change in industrial societies becoming postindustrial. Within political science, much attention has been focused on the behavioural and institutional effects of value change accompanying that transition, and especially on the diminishing impact of class and ideology on politics. Among the institutional effects have been (at times and in some places) decline in support for “established” parties and the rise of alternative political organizations, including new parties on both the left and right. Many of the new parties of the left, and especially those labelled “left-libertarian”, are generally viewed as harbingers of things-to-come in the “new” politics - progressive vehicles, driven along by the tides of change. In contrast, the new parties of the right are generally viewed as conservative, authoritarian, materialist reactions to change - representing transitional efforts to stop change and its effects. The latter parties presumably tell more about the past, the present, and efforts to preserve them, than about the “new” in politics. The purpose of this article is to explore the possibility that some of the new right-wing parties - especially those in social democracies - might themselves be viewed more accurately (or at least as justifiably, based on reinterpretation of the available evidence) as reflections of new values and as vehicles of forward-looking change. If so, then those parties, like their left-libertarian counterparts, may tell us something about the future of postindustrial politics.