加强国企各级领导班子建设的思考

党的十五届四中全会确定了从现在起到２０１０年国有企业改革和发展的主要目标和必须坚持的指导方针。全会强调，完成这一项历史任务，首先要尽最大努力实现国有企业改革和脱困的三年目标。今年是实现这一目标的最后一年。能否抓住机遇，开拓进取，加大工作力度，加快两个根本性转变的步伐，如期走出困境，关键在于把党建设好，尤其是要把企业各级领导班子建设好。根据企业改革与脱困的任务和班子建设的现实状况，笔者认为，当前在企业各级领导班子思想政治建设上，需要突出抓好以下几方面的工作。一、领导干部一定要学好邓小平理论领导干部…     

发扬大庆精神 再创大庆辉煌

1995年9月，在纪念大庆油田开发建设35周年暨油田高产稳产20周年之际，江泽民总书记为大庆油田题词：“发扬大庆精神，搞好二次创业c”以此为标志，大庆油田进入了二次创业的新的历史发展时期c二次创业，我们的目标是做好三篇大文章：一是做好稳产篇，通过大力推进科技进步实现年产原油5000万吨以上稳产到2010年的目标；二是做好发展篇，通过全面增强企业综合经济实力，实现大庆油田继续保持全国500家工业企业前列的目标；三是做好改革篇，通过推进两个根本性转变，实现建立起比较完善的现代企业制度的目标c二次创业的目标和任务，既给油田…     

三年脱困将如期实现 深化改革尚有较大空间——国企改革进入脱困冲刺阶段

１９９８年初党中央国务院提出， 力争用三年左右时间，使大 多数国有大中型亏损企业摆脱困境。这是党的十五大后新一届政府推动国有企业改革发展的突破口。今年是三年脱困的最后一年，也是决胜的一年。三年脱困目标能否如期实现？目标的实现意味着什么？下一步国有企业改革发展还有什么路可以走？等等诸如此类的问题，已成为社会关注的热点。三年脱困目标可以如期实现 有关资料显示，我国大约６万多户国有及国有控股企业（下称国有企业）中，大中型企业约为１．４万户，是国有经济的绝对主力。１９９７年底，即提出三年脱困目标时的国有大…     

政治优势是根本保证

党中央提出国有企业三年改革脱困目标后，洛阳市首批确定的14家国有企业在互998年全部实现扭亏增盈，今年继续保持强劲发展势头，成为我市国有企业改革脱困的排头兵。总结这些企业的经验，我们认为，充分发挥党的政治优势，是我市国有企业深化改革、走出困境的根本保证，也是实现党中央提出的国有企业三年改革脱困目标的根本保证。参与决策，把关定向。14家企业党组织把改革脱困作为第一位工作，他们最深刻的体会是：企业党组织发挥政治核心作用，首先要体现在党政共谋企业改革脱困大计，找准企业改革脱困的正确方向和途径上。白马集团的主…     

现代企业制度的建构必须规范化——对黑龙江省国有企业股份制改组情况的调查与思考

在我国新一届政府跨世纪的大政纲领中，有“三项改革必须到位”的施政目标。其中第一个到位，就是“用三年左右时间，使大多数国有大中型亏损企业摆脱困境和使大多数大中型企业初步建立起现代企业制度”。这对于国有企业比重大，是我国老工业基地的黑龙江省实现“二次创业...     

辽宁省委书记闻世震:举全省之力打好国企改革攻坚战

以国有经济比重大，国有资产存量大，国有企业高度集中著称全国的老工业基地辽宁省，今年工作的主要目标是抓好“两个难点”，实现“两个确保”。中共辽宁省委书记闻世震在接受本刊记者专访时解释说，“两个难点”和“两个确保”，即以抓好国有大中型企业三年改革与脱困攻坚战为重点，确保经济稳定增长；以抓好国有企业下岗职工再就业和社会保障工作为重点，确保社会政治稳定，努力在全省形成一个昂场向上、稳定发展的态势。辽宁省1999年开局不错，1月份工业销售产值增长了11．3％，工商税收增长20%多，去年四季度经济发展的好势头得以延续…     

重塑政企关系的行政学思考

政府与市场、政府与企业的关系问题是行政学研究的重要内容。本文从行政学的基本逻辑体系出发，结合对政府与市场关系的研究，探索我国政企关系的理想摸式。认为明确政府在市场经济中的位置和政府经济职能的具体内容是重塑政企关系的基本思路。指出我国现阶段政企关系包括两种含义：政府作为社会公共权力行使者时与全体社会企业的关系；政府作为国有资产所有者代表时与国有企业的关系。由此而引起政府两大经济职能配置的改革，以及相应机构设置和权责划分所构成的政府管理体系的改革。逐步建立现代企业制度和实现政府管理现代化     

为国有企业改革发展提供坚强的组织保证

今年，是实现国有企业改革和脱困三年目标的第二年，任务艰巨，时间紧迫。企业党组织要紧紧围绕企业改革和生产经营开展工作，充分发挥政治核心作用，为企业改革发展提供坚强的组织保证。企业党组织必须积极参与企业重大问题的决策。党组织参与企业重大问题决策是党章赋予的重要职责，目的在于推进企业民主科学决策，避免和减少失误。企业党组织要站在改革的前列，积极支持和参与改革，理直气壮地参与企业重大问题决策，认真负责地支持和保障董事会、厂长（经理）依法行使职权。党委成员特别是主要负责人，要努力学习社会主义市场经济知识、…     

新形势下搞好国有企业的思路——访国家经贸委副主任陈清泰

国有企业改革难度很大,是人们普遍关注的焦点。国有企业到底能不能搞好?怎样搞好?就这些问题,本刊记者采访了国家经贸委副主任陈清泰。 企业改革四大难题 记者:党的十四届三中全会的决定,已对全国的经济体制改革做了部署,要在本世纪末,初步建立起社会主义的市场经济体制,现在正在运作的国有企业改革的目标是什么? 陈清泰:企业改革的目标要服从经济体制改革的大目标。国有企业改革的目标是:到本世纪末,要基本建立起和社会主义市场经济体制相适应的经营机制和现代企业制度的框架,使国有大中型企业在社会主义市场经济中继续发挥主导作用。按照这样一个总的部署,我们设想,在不到6年的时间里把任务分成两个阶段,叫“前两年,后四年”。今明两年是第一阶段,主要任务是,点面结合重在试验,贵在     

二十一世纪中国企业八大趋势

企业改革酝酿新的突破国有大中型企业目前正处于实现３年改革脱困目标的攻坚阶段。如果在建立国有资产的有效管理体系和解决企业富余人员问题等方面没有突破性措施，改革目标将难以实现。国有小企业改革、集体企业和乡镇企业深化改革及转换机制也迫在眉捷。企业将进入一个空前剧烈的分化、调整和重组时期企业两极分化、优胜劣汰的进程将会大大加快，生产要素和市场份额会加速向优势企业及名牌产品集中。企业将进入一个微利时代企业规模化、大型化与小型化将并行不悖，竞相发展随着国内市场国际化和国际市场国内化，中国需要采取常规的和超常…     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.