Overcoming the weight of history: ‘Getting to yes’ in the Peru‐Ecuador border dispute

This article presents and analyzes the elements of the Western Hemisphere's longest standing boundary dispute and the crucial role of the region's oldest multilateral conflict resolution mechanism in working out an historic agreement in October 1998. Other factors in combination were also critical for success: an existing international legal framework, multilevel bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, decisive leadership and statecraft, and public diplomacy. The analysis suggests that the final settlement is a significant milestone in international diplomacy, demonstrating that even the most deeply ingrained differences between states can be resolved by the patient and persistent efforts of all parties involved.     

上海合作组织与新时代中国多边外交（英文）

As a multilateral cooperation mechanism founded and developed in the post-Cold War era, the SCO has great significance to China's multilateral diplomacy and plays a unique role in international and regional governance. Over the years, China has taken an active part in safeguarding multilateralism while engaging in cooperation in various fields within the SCO framework. The development of the SCO has fully embodied the "Chinese wisdom" and "Chinese solutions."     

Making Room at the Negotiating Table: The Growth of Diplomacy between Nation-State Governments and Non-State Economic Entities

The study of diplomacy has traditionally focused on relationships and interactions between the governments of nation-states, empires, principalities, and similar politicies. This state-centric view has been challenged in recent times by scholars who have sought to take into account the proliferation of different types of actors in the international arena. This paper address diplomacy between governments and non-state economic entities, a broad category of bodies extending from multilateral economic institutions such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and GATT/World Trade Organization to consultative and knowledge-generating bodies such as the World Economic Forum and International Chamber of Commerce.     

国际机制理论与东北亚能源外交

在东北亚地区,由于中国、日本、韩国等能源消费大国能源消费的日益增长、俄罗斯作为能源大国的异军突起以及东北亚内部因能源而起的各种争端,能源外交成为东北亚外交中的重点和热点。开展东北亚能源外交的目的是通过政策协调构建一个多边能源合作机制,在东北亚地区不存在霸权国家提供合作机制的背景下,可以考虑运用国际机制理论,通过能源外交特别是多边能源外交构建本地区多边能源合作机制,并充分发挥能源外交的"外溢"功能,借机推进东北亚整体合作的发展。     

胁迫式外交:战略竞争时代美国对外战略的转型

以特朗普政府2017年《国家安全战略报告》和2018年《国防战略报告》为标志,世界进入美国启动的战略竞争新时期,地缘政治争夺和大国竞争再度成为世界政治的突出主题。美国重振和维护世界主导地位的目标未变,但"胁迫式外交"成为特朗普政府推行对外战略的常态,美国对外行为出现了冷战结束以来最为显著的变化,表现为重新激活战略军事威慑以压制战略军事竞争对手、以贸易热战和科技冷战方式打压战略经济竞争对手、以政治勒索方式逼盟友承担义务、以极限施压方式压制地区敌对国家、以退群和搅局方式阻挠多边外交。美国推行胁迫式外交与特朗普个人的执政风格相关,但根本性的原因是国际政治权力结构的重大变化和战略竞争时代的来临,推动美国对外权力输出发生了转型性变化。这也意味着美国对外权力输出方式正在发生从软实力向硬实力、从依赖制度优势向依赖实力优势的巨大偏转。美国所谓国际"领导力"正加速蜕变为维护美国特权的"胁迫力",美国权力输出的这种变化可能代表着未来美国外交发展的一种长期趋势。     

The New Kids on the EU Block: Austria,Finland and Sweden

While China will probably become more proactive in its multilateral diplomacy and increase its influence in global multilateral settings, various concerns and constraints make it unlikely that it will completely overhaul or even dramatically reshape the multilateral architecture at the global level. Stuck in defining its identity, China is caught up between posturing as a leader of the developing world on some policy issues and siding with the developed countries on others. China’s involvement in global multilateralism is likely to be guided by pragmatism rather than grand visions.     

新时期印度尼西亚全方位外交战略解析

面对着不断变动的国际政治格局,为了更好地维护国家安全利益,促进国内经济发展,印度尼西亚的外交战略在坚持"独立、积极"原则的基础上也适应新的形式有所调整。苏西洛在2009年成功连任印尼总统,这使他有机会继续引导印尼的外交政策方向。印尼的外交战略从苏西洛第一任期的"在波涛汹涌的大海中航行"发展到现在的"全方位外交",即以重树在东盟的领导权为基础,积极开展双边和多边关系。     

The Berlin Republic,Iraq, and the Use of Force

This article holds that German security policy and attitudes towards the use of force remain framed by the distinct strategic culture that emerged during West Germany’s rearmament and international rehabilitation in the 1950’s. This strategic culture, characterised by strong anti-military sentiment and a commitment to multilateral diplomacy and international law, determined Germany’s position over Iraq and its ongoing opposition to the US-led invasion of the country. However, the strength and highly vociferous nature of Germany’s opposition to US policy also indicated that German strategic culture is itself evolving, as both elites and society reconsider aspects of German national history and the role of collective memory. Much of this new discourse relates to the notion of the ‘Berlin Republic’, which in foreign and security policy terms is synonymous with the emergence of greater self confidence, the introduction of more ‘national’ vocabulary into foregin policy statements and a less reflexive attitude to transatlantic security.     

森喜朗上台后的日本外交

森喜朗内阁承办的冲绳八国首脑会议，是其首要外交课题，虽有所获，但成果平平。其大国外交，重点是谋求日俄关系取得进展。亚洲外交，将着力打开日朝关系，同时推动与东盟的经济金融合作。多边外交，重点是为它成为安理会常任理事国争取支持，并开展体现“森喜朗色彩”的裁军外交。     

90年代印度实行经济外交的原因及主要措施

进入2 0世纪90年代,国际局势发生了巨大变化,而经济全球化的迅速发展使得经济实力在一国对外政策中的地位突显,因此,印度一直奉行的尼赫鲁外交思想已不适用,自1991年拉奥上台以后,印度对其外交政策进行了调整,推行经济外交,突出外交为经济发展服务,并通过经济手段发展与世界各国的关系,取得了显著效果。本文就印度实行经济外交的原因、主要措施与实践效果作一个简要分析。     

大疫情背景下中国对外援助和国际发展合作

2021年,面对百年变局与世纪疫情交织叠加,援外战线以推动构建人类命运共同体为引领,以服务元首外交为遵循,以抗疫国际合作为重点领域,以“小而美”项目为重点方向,既促进受援国抗疫和经济社会恢复,又有力服务于中国构建新发展格局,维护了主权、安全和发展利益。主要工作可以概括为1+2+3。“1”是聚焦一个重点,即引领国际抗疫合作。新冠疫情肆虐已经两年了,中国为发展中国家带来“隧道尽头的光芒”。在习近平主席亲自指挥部署下,中国开展了新中国成立以来时间最长、规模最大的人道主义援助。2020年是以抗疫物资和经验交流为主的援助“上半场”。     

多边主义视角下的中印国际合作

随着全球化发展日益深入，世界各国的交流与合作不断增加，多边外交作为一种新的外交观和新型合作机制已得到国际社会的普遍关注。当今世界发生的一些变化，尤其是2008年国际经济危机也促使新兴发展中国家的力量不断增强。在这样的背景下，中国和印度等国为协调在国际社会的立场，改革不合理的国际政治经济秩序，提升新兴国家在国际上的话语权和国际规则制定权，维护发展中国家的权益，加强了在国际多边机制下的合作。在国际多边机制下，中印两国的国际合作不断深化，领域也更加广阔。中印关系也从双边逐渐向多边扩展。     

Public Diplomacy and the International Paralympic Committee: Reconciling the Roles of Disability Advocate and Sports Regulator

Abstract

Whilst the link between international diplomacy and the Olympic movement has been the subject of extensive academic and journalistic enquiry, the experience of diplomatic discourse relating to the relatively youthful Paralympic movement has received little attention. It occurs not just in the context of state diplomacy, where for example the Paralympic Games may provide a conduit for the pursuit of specific policy objectives, but also in relation to the engagement of the International Paralympic Committee [IPC] as an evolving non-state actor in the diplomatic process. The idea of the IPC as an advocacy body engaged through public diplomacy in promoting disability rights needs exploration as an element of the contemporary politics of disability. This analysis considers the relationship between the activities of the IPC and wider lobbying by disabled people’s organisations as a means of leveraging change in domestic and international policy toward disability. In relation to the global development agenda, it also assesses IPC responses to the gulf in resourcing for para-sport as well as related health and education provision between high- and low-resource regions. It considers the response of the organisation from the perspective of public diplomacy and locates that response within the wider diplomacy of development.     

文化外交在当代中俄关系中的作用

冷战结束后,和平与发展成为时代主题,文化因素对国际关系的影响日益凸显,并由此产生了一种新型外交方式——文化外交。中俄两国比邻而居,有着近四百年的交往史,文化交流更是在其中起到重要作用。随着文化外交日益受到各国政府的重视,中俄文化交流不断擦出新火花。实践证明,文化外交在巩固中俄两国高层政治关系、推动经贸合作和扩大民间交往方面有不可替代的作用。     

新时期日韩关系发展现状及展望

作为同样推行市场经济的国家,日韩两国不仅地理相近,人文相通,近年在政府外交、经贸合作、民间交流等领域也不断出现热络的势头。作为东亚乃至东北亚区域的重要国家,中日韩FTA的重要成员,美日韩安保合作的铁三角,日韩关系的演变不仅涉及双边,还将影响多边稳定,关乎未来区域合作与格局。探讨新时期日韩关系发展现状及未来走势,对于东北亚乃至亚洲及世界的和平与发展具有重要意义。     

The British government and the sale of arms to the lesser European powers, 1936-39

For much of the nineteenth century, Canadian education-related international activities resided outside the realm of traditional diplomacy. This situation was exacerbated by Canada's colonial link with Great Britain. Obstacles that prevented educationalists from playing a more substantive role in diplomacy were local, imperial, and ecclesiastical in origin. Educational activities were also a tool in the service of governments in the era between the zenith of British Imperialism in the 1890s and the founding of the United Nations in 1945. In the post-1945 era there was greater collaboration between the federal Ministry of External Affairs and provincial ministries of education. Education also emerged in the late twentieth century as part of the new diplomacy. A flowering of new international governmental organizations dedicated to furthering creative diplomacy brought new energy to this field.     

政治稳定,经济增长居东盟之首——印度尼西亚2011～2012年回顾与展望

2011年,印尼政治与社会继续保持稳定,筹备下届大选使政治气候升温;经济未受全球金融危机的明显影响,呈加速发展之势;双边和多边外交更加积极、活跃和自信。     

以对东盟国家公共外交策略的创新推动21世纪海上丝绸之路建设

本文探讨发展和创新中国对东盟国家公共外交的策略。在开展与东盟国家外交方面,可以重点考虑发展和创新公共外交的主体、形式及内容等方面的创新:发挥国家领导人及重要领导出访周边国家及参加重要首脑会议带来的聚焦效应;搭建中国思想库对于政策理念的传播平台;突出发挥东盟各国华侨华人的作用;创新国际交流及教育文化交流项目;重视对东盟国家的文化外交,重点以文化为纽带,进行人文交流。     

The Rise of Asian Defense Diplomacy： Convergence or Divergence in Sino-Australian Security Relations？

The rise of multilateral defense diplomacy in Asia is an important new phenomenon.In addition to the newly established ADMM+ process and the Shangri-La Dialogue(SLD) ,ASEAN defense ministers,ASEAN chiefs of defense and ASEAN chiefs of intelligence are now all meeting on a regular basis.Such gatherings were almost unthinkable as recently as a decade ago.This paper seeks to interpret these developments and their implications for the Sino-Australian security relationship.It argues that while these recent developments appear to reflect a deepening of Asian security cooperation,they are actually a manifestation of an intensifying institutional competition,namely between the ASEAN-centered ADMM and the Western-backed SLD.This,in turn,is symptomatic of a broader institutional contestation——reflecting underlying strategic competition——which is becoming a distinctive feature of Asia’s emerging security ‘architecture.’ The paper goes on to argue that China and Australia find themselves on opposite sides of this competition and,particularly in the area of defense diplomacy,are likely to become increasingly important players in fuelling it.The paper concludes by observing why such a dynamic is potentially problematic and offers a modest set of policy recommendations designed to assist Beijing and Canberra in addressing and alleviating their competitive tendencies.     

Visa Diplomacy

The consular element of national diplomatic power plays an essential, but often overlooked role in international relations. This is unfortunate, since the process of globalization places increasing importance on so-called “low politics”—trade, commerce, tourism, migration—all traditional consular areas of interest. This study examines the visa component of consular diplomacy as an integral device in the conduct of international relations. The simple visa serves an important purpose in international relations and is a well-used, but little studied, instrument of foreign policy in today’s system of sovereign states.

In this article, “visa diplomacy” is defined as the use of visa issuance or denial at an individual, group, and interstate level, to influence another state’s policies. Although possessing limitations, visa diplomacy is an available signaling and retorsion instrument which makes it a viable policy option in the arena of international affairs. At the operative level, it links an individual or group to its sovereign country and respective national policies. Denial or issuance at the individual or group level can have outcomes on overall interstate interactions as illustrated in the cases selected for this study. The conclusion assesses where the use of visa diplomacy seems most effective in international relations.