澳大利亚工党二战后长期在野原因探析

澳大利亚工党1949年12月因国有化问题下台后,远离联邦政权达23年之久.直到1972年才又重新上台执政.工党的长期在野既与当时的国际环境有关,也与澳大利亚国内的政治传统有关,同时也与工党自身缺乏改革有关.     

鲍勃霍克——从工会领袖到政府总理

二月七日到我国进行正式友好访问的澳大利亚总理霍克,是一个从工会领袖迅速上升为政府总理的人物。在澳大利亚的政治家中,走这条道路的人是不多见的。去年三月五日,澳大利亚工党在大选中获胜,不仅击败了执政七年多的自由党一国家党联盟,而且在议会中得到了比预期要大的多数。当时,霍克取代海登成为工党领袖仅三个星期,他当选议员也才两年多。澳大利亚舆论界认为,霍克“个人的影响”在这次选举中起了不小的作用,为工党争取到了更多的选票。     

澳大利亚走向政治多元化

<正> 二比一,最后一刻的"点球制胜",使吉拉德领导的工党幸运地获得组阁权随着独立议员罗布·奥克肖特和托尼·温莎9月7日宣布将支持朱莉娅·吉拉德领导的工党组建下一届少数派政府,澳大利亚大选后的组阁僵局终于打破。在此之前,另一名独立议员鲍勃·凯特对媒体表示,他选择支持托尼·阿博特领导的反对党联盟组建少数派政府。二比一,最后一刻的"点球制胜",使吉拉德领导的工党幸运地获得组阁权。     

布朗:走向首相的大舞台

他埋头工作、精心理财,使英国经济在欧洲国家中“独领风骚”5月17日,财政大臣布朗正式接受英国工党领袖职务提名,也是惟一的竞争者。根据英国的政治制度,本届工党政府的任期要到2009年5月届满,因此,布朗当选工党领袖后将自动成为首相,并于6月27日布莱尔辞去首相职务之时出任英国新首相,完成工党剩余不到两年的任期。     

澳大利亚新总理:陆克文

从农家男孩到政府总理澳大利亚联邦议会选举24日结束,反对党工党取得压倒性胜利,工党领袖陆克文将出任澳大利亚下一任联邦总理。法新社说,这名出身贫寒的农家男孩童     

澳工党领导权之争摊牌

堪培拉专电 澳大利亚执政的工党决策委员会,1991年12月19日召开特别会议,就旷日持久的工党领导权问题举行秘密表决,结果前财政部长保罗.基廷以56票对51票战胜了执政近9年的工党主席鲍勃.霍克,并当选为澳联邦总理,从而使这场困扰澳政坛近一年的领导权危机暂告一段落。     

台湾工党的工会政策评析

在台湾经济、政治全面转型的背景下,"党外势力"快速发展,台湾工党应运而生。工党主张,保障劳动阶级的根本利益、实现劳动大众的民主与平等、提倡社会改良和放弃社会革命、推动国家和平统一。工党的工会政策是:要改变台湾工会"御用"工会的性质、建立自主性工会、加强对各级工会的辅导工作。由于工党内部政策分歧与派系斗争,导致了工党的组织分裂,并削弱了台湾工会运动的力量。     

澳大利亚将禁止快餐行业为海外工作者提供457签证

正澳大利亚移民部部长达顿宣布,快餐行业将无法再通过457技术工作签证聘用海外工作者为快餐店工作,有真实需求和特殊情况进行申请的个案除外。达顿表示,特恩布尔政府致力于确保澳大利亚年轻人的职业发展前景。他认为,澳大利亚本地的劳工,尤其是年轻的劳工,应具有优先在本地快餐店获得工作的权利。2012年,吉拉德领导的工党政府曾通过了《快餐行业劳动协议》,并批准了行业内     

"第三条道路"与传统民主社会主义相比较之异同

布莱尔等标榜的第三条道路,既不是资本主义与社会主义之间的"半社会主义"、也不是社会党与共产党之间的"第三种社会主义",确切地说,它实际上是社会民主主义与欧洲保守主义之间的所谓"第三"选择.工党的自由主义化并不始自布莱尔与其精神导师吉登斯,但布莱尔、吉登斯的"新工党理念"的确使这一进程迈进了一大步.为适应经济、科技、社会、阶级和生存环境等各方面全球性变化,新工党提出的新的社会民主主义的理论和政策,与传统民主社会主义相比,在几个方面表现出新的时代特点和变化.     

福利民粹主义的生成逻辑及其政策实践——基于拉美地区和泰国的经验

本文首先将福利民粹主义界定为民粹式的福利超载,即民粹主义政治人物为了获取"人民"的支持或践行其政治理念,强力推行违背经济发展规律、带有"政治性分配激励"色彩的社会福利政策。在此基础上,结合拉美地区和泰国的经验,本文归纳出了福利民粹主义的生成逻辑:客观条件方面,贫富分化导致的严重社会分裂使得民粹式的社会福利政策具备了必要的社会基础,而缺乏法治和社会基础的民主制度则使民粹主义政治人物有机会绕开体制,实施"福利赶超";主观推力方面,民粹主义政治人物首先使"人民"聚焦于已经十分严重的贫富分化和社会对立,加剧社会分裂,以吸引"人民"的政治参与和支持,在获取政权后则通过目标指向明确的高强度社会福利激励,将来自"人民"的支持持久化。当然,也不能否认特定的经济结构和社会文化心理,乃至民粹主义政治人物的政治理念在福利民粹主义生成过程中的重要影响。     

Australian Antecedents of the Third Way

New Labour theorists have been prone to identify American New Progressivism as the proximate source of 'third way' ideas. In this article we argue that, if the focus is on the governing practice rather than on the naming of a governing orientation, a case can be made for seeing Australian Labor in government from 1983 to 1996 as a progenitor of third way thinking and as a specific source of New Labour policy development in a number of areas. Taking Stuart White's account of the main dimensions of third way programmatic realignment as our guide, we discuss the success of the Hawke/Keating Labor governments in reducing the direct provider role of state, developing new forms of collective provision, reforming the tax system, making social policy more employment-friendly and creating the institutions of an asset-based egalitarianism. We conclude by pointing out that, whilst there are many common themes in Australian Labor practice and New Labor rhetoric, and some evidence of specific policy transfer from one to the other, a plausible case can also be made for seeing many of the policy initiatives of the Hawke/Keating era as a reworking of an older Australian Labor tradition of regulatory state activism.     

Social Democracy or Social Liberalism? Ideological Sources of Liberal Democrat Policy

Liberal Democrat policy has been labelled as social democratic, yet the party has been reluctant to so describe itself. Taking Crosland's The Future of Socialism as a reference point, there appears to be much shared ground between social democracy and Liberal Democrat policy. Meanwhile, the party's tax policy adopted in 2006 takes the Croslandite approach of taxing wealth rather than income. Despite this, the article argues that the party is a social liberal rather than a social democratic one. These two political philosophies have so much in common that it is understandable that some commentators see the influence of social democracy where they might instead perceive social liberalism. Yet the two differ in their attitudes to the state. Both see a positive role for the state in furthering social goods. However, social liberalism shares classical liberal concerns about the dangers of an over-mighty state. This approach underpins Liberal Democrat policy.     

Predicting party identification, 1956–80: Who are the republicans and who are the democrats?

Multivariate predictions of party identification have been based on father's party and social or demographic characteristics in past studies. This paper uses two policy attitudes to predict party along with the usual predictors of partisanship, from 1956 to 1980. The policy attitudes—domestic welfare policy opinion and civil rights policy opinion—have theoretical links to partisanship stemming from the New Deal and the 1960s. Domestic welfare policy opinion is found to be a major predictor of party identification. Despite the inclusion of the two policy attitudes and correction for attenuation caused by measurement error, only about 50% of the variance in party identification can be explained.     

中国劳动力市场演化与政府行为

劳动力市场培育是中国改革的核心问题之一.中国经济改革是在城乡隔绝的特殊背景下展开的.旧体制下,城市国有部门人浮于事,大锅饭、铁饭碗造成效率低下;农村劳动力被禁锢在土地上,隔离在国家工业化进程之外,大量农村剩余劳动力不能及时转移到非农产业,造成极大浪费和损失.劳动力市场改革基于城市"治懒"、农村"治贫"的目标展开.逐步把国有部门职工推向市场,同时逐步改善农村劳动力的配置效率,渐进式改革、逐步释放被压抑的生产力,这是中国经济持续高速增长的根本动力.劳动力市场培育也是城乡劳动者权利的双向调整和逐步接近的过程.改革已取得了很大进展,但城乡劳动者的平等权利尚未实现.名义权利与实际权利的差异是当前最突出的问题.这种权利差异对经济社会协调发展造成威胁.增长、稳定、公平是左右政府改革行为的三大变量.劳动力市场上的权利不平等已成为经济持续增长和社会稳定的巨大障碍.贯彻新发展观,构建和谐社会正在使政策导向发生改变.     

Conservative Party Modernisation and David Cameron's Politics of the Family

A key feature of David Cameron's electoral appeal is his carefully cultivated image as a ‘family man’. Cameron has repeatedly stressed the importance of the family to his political views and stated his desire to see marriage rewarded through the tax system. At the same time, Cameron has presented himself as a modernising leader, keen to demonstrate that he and his party are in touch with contemporary society. Central to this effort to detoxify the Conservative brand has been an emphasis on social liberalism. The potential conflict between these two objectives reflects the division in the party between social liberals and traditionalists, which has become increasingly apparent over the past decade. This article examines Conservative party policy and rhetoric on social and moral issues since 1997, particularly gay rights and family policy. It notes that a significant divide remains in the Conservative party between social liberals and traditionalists, so in this respect Cameron's modernisation project remains far from complete.     

Electoral accountability,clarity of responsibility and labor market policy

Does the exercise of accountability in elections have palpable policy effects? Building on recent advances in the economic voting literature, we show that electoral accountability leaves an imprint on labor market policy when left-wing governments are in office. When responsibility for the economy is clear and elections offer an opportunity to claim credit for economic expansion, labor protections and benefits become more generous. However, when clarity of responsibility is low and incumbents can expect to veer electoral responsibility, left-wing governments are more likely to retrench labor market policy. These results hold for policies benefiting both labor market insiders and outsiders. Consistent with evidence that the labor market is the purview of the left, electoral accountability does not condition labor market policy under right-wing governments. We discuss the implications of these results in the context of growing party system fragmentation and weaker accountability across advanced industrial democracies.     

De facto Veto? The Parliamentary Liberal Democrats

The parliamentary party of the Liberal Democrats is a symbol of the third party's growth in recent years. As a result of successful election targeting and an improvement in electoral reach, the party has seen its number of MPs at Westminster more than triple since 1992. It has been claimed that the increase in size of the parliamentary party has been accompanied by an increase in its power, so that the parliamentarians now have a de facto power of veto over policy despite the official policy-making structures as laid out in the Liberal Democrat constitution. This article investigates the make-up of the parliamentary Liberal Democrats and their contemporary influence over policy formation, and the parliamentary party's relationship with the conference and the party leader—and especially the events leading to the change of Liberal Democrat leader in 2006—to establish the veracity of this claim.     

PUBLIC SERVANTS AND THE BRIEFING OF PARTY COMMITTEES

Abstract: Politicians need information. In recent years the practice of public servants briefing party committees has been expanded to help fill that need. In part this was due to the increased influence of caucus committees under the Labor government, but the practice has continued. Public servants provide information and explanations of policy to government and opposition members, although in the latter case public servants have to tread carefully. In December 1976 the Prime Minister tabled guidelines to govern these briefings. This innovation has implications for the doctrines of public service neutrality, for ministerial responsibility and for the capacity of the opposition to develop workable policy. Despite the potential problems that may arise, it is a practice that, if used effectively, can only assist in the improvement of political debate.     

劳动解放:中国共产党人100年不懈的价值追求与奋斗情怀

人的解放和自由发展是马克思主义理论的最终目标和永恒追求;劳动解放是全部马克思主义理论的逻辑起点和理论基石,是无产阶级及其政党的初心使命,是无产阶级政党长期不懈奋斗的价值情怀。中国共产党全面地坚持和继承了马克思主义劳动解放的理论基调,经过100年来的不懈努力,从“劳工神圣”“劳工万岁”到“改善劳动组织”,到各尽所能、按劳分配,再到劳动最崇高、劳动最伟大、“劳动托起中国梦”,丰富和发展了马克思主义劳动解放理论中国化的新内涵和新境界,铸就了中国共产党人夺取革命胜利和中国道路成功的制胜法宝。在新的历史条件下,“着重保护劳动所得”“构建和谐劳动关系,促进广大劳动者实现体面劳动、全面发展”“让全体人民进一步焕发劳动热情、释放创造潜能,通过劳动创造更加美好生活”是中国共产党人对劳动解放的崭新诠释。     

The Federal Structure of Australian Political Parties

Australian parties reflect the combination of British responsiblegovernment and elements of American federalism embodied in theconstitution. Despite considerable symmetry in party competitionfor all seven parliaments, party organizations must functionwithin electoral systems complicated by state differences andbicameralism. The extra-parliamentary federal organizations,which began as weak confederations, have gradually gained ascendancyover state parties, particularly within the Labor parties. Yetthis shift of power to national party organizations is lessmarked than the increase in Commonwealth government activities.Such developments have not made for complete Commonwealth dominationbut the intermeshing of state and federal responsibilities hasincreased the need for bargaining between the two planes ofgovernment and decreased the areas in which independent decisionsby either are possible. Frequent elections, in which federaland state issues can rarely be separated, strengthen these trendsand make bargaining between federal and state leaders withineach party as important as bargaining between governments.