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1.
新中国的成立,特别是中国印尼邦交关系的建立,对印尼华人社会产生了重要影响.是否顺应这一历史发展潮流成为划分印尼华人社会中进步与保守群体的标准.受中国印尼局势发展的影响,印尼华人社会中的保守华人群体出现了动摇和分化.不过,在中国印尼建交前后的一段时期内,印尼国内外的复杂因素亦影响了保守华人群体所发生的这种转变.  相似文献   

2.
后苏哈托时代伊斯兰教与印尼政治民主化   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
1997年金融危机引发印尼的政治危机,统治印尼三十余年的苏哈托政权于1998年倒台,印尼进入政治民主化的新阶段.伊斯兰教势力也成为印尼政治中的重要角色,并在印尼政治民主化中发挥了积极的作用.  相似文献   

3.
印尼总统苏西洛2010年年度国情咨文颇具新意.咨文不仅回顾和总结了过去一年印尼发展中的得失,还梳理了印尼进入民主转型时期以来的成就和问题,明确提出印尼已进入第二波改革的新阶段.咨文强调为确保第二波改革的成功,印尼应加速发展,建立起富强、民主、公正三大支柱.咨文还提出印尼要实行"全方位外交",拓展更加广阔的外交空间.  相似文献   

4.
本文认为:在苏哈托时期,印尼与东盟一同成长,印尼对东盟的发展和壮大起着十分重要的作用.在后苏哈托时期,印尼与东盟的关系呈现出一种互动的态势.未来印尼与东盟关系将向积极方面发展,其主要理由是:加强与东盟的关系,是印尼各届政府外交的重要目标之一,而搞好与印尼的关系也符合东盟的长远发展战略.  相似文献   

5.
本文运用文化学、社会学的理论和方法,坚持从印尼华人的实际出发,通过实地考察、访谈调查和资料重释的途径,具体剖析了雅加达华人中生代这一印尼华人重要的次群体,展示了印尼华人在印尼独立后的自我调适情况,分析了印尼华人今后的发展趋势及其在印尼社会重构和印尼民族重组中的地位和作用.  相似文献   

6.
本文首先叙述了苏哈托统治时期,印尼华人在政治生活和文化心理上所受到的沉重打击,然后对"五月骚乱"后印尼华人的参政情况作了介绍.文章还从内外两个方面分析了印尼华人对政治生活不够积极的原因,其内因是印尼华人结构复杂,没有形成统一的族群意识,其外因是印尼政治仍有歧视华人倾向,印尼政治文化有待革新.  相似文献   

7.
2006年7月,印度尼西亚国会通过的争议多年的新<国籍法>,取消了已存在半个多世纪的在印尼国籍问题上带有族群歧视性的条款.新<国籍法>不仅为包括华人在内的印尼外来族群获得平等的生存权利提供了法律上的保障,而且也为印尼华文教育的发展带来了新的曙光.本文试从印尼华人民族权利的角度出发,分析探讨印尼华文教育多样性发展的可能前景,希冀能够抛砖引玉,引发更多关于印尼华文教育可持续发展的思考和讨论.  相似文献   

8.
1975年东帝汶危机的爆发缘于东帝汶独立革命阵线领导的反对葡萄牙殖民统治的民族独立运动,进而引发大国势力介入,最终导致印尼的侵占.由于印尼独特的地缘战略地位,美国对印尼的政策成为越南战争后美国稳定东南亚地区、遏制共产主义阵营的战略基石.维护美印(尼)战略友好合作关系成为美国对印尼政策的主旨.为此,从危机爆发到印尼对东帝汶的侵占,美国从冷战全球战略出发,以美国国家利益最大化为基准,对印尼实行了默许、支持和加大援助的政策.由此,东帝汶在危机及被占期间发生了严重的人道主义灾难.东帝汶危机期间美国对印尼的政策演变揭示,美国高举的捍卫国际法、民族自决、民主、人权等原则和口号在美国现实主义外交政策面前往往不攻自破.  相似文献   

9.
政治关系是印尼华人与当地民族关系的一个重要方面,政治参与活动是印尼华人保护自身,改善与当地民族关系的重要途径.本文简要叙述了1998年"五月骚乱"以后印尼华人参政条件的改善,重点说明了这一时期印尼华人参政的各种方式.  相似文献   

10.
2004年印尼大选与华人参选情况   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
2004年印尼大选是印尼历史上的第三次民主选举,印尼全国和国际社会都在关注这次大选.本文首先介绍这次大选的一些基本情况,然后对这次选举有关立法和准备过程中暴露出的一些问题略加分析,最后介绍印尼华人参选的一些情况.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

“Indonesia [is] endowed … with what is probably the most strategically authoritative geographic location on earth …” So wrote Lawrence Griswold in Sea Power, the official journal of the Navy League of the United States in 1973. A nation so located, and with 130 million people, some of the world's richest deposits of oil, tin, bauxite, rubber, forestry reserves, and many other natural resources, is surely a place of major concern to the imperialist powers at a time when their empires are so rapidly shrinking. Particularly for the U.S. since the victory of the Vietnamese revolution, the vast resources and critical location at the juncture of the Pacific and Indian Oceans have likely made Indonesia, along with Iran and Brazil, a major lynchpin “of a new pro-U.S. constellation of power in the Third World.” There was no slip of the tongue when Richard M. Nixon referred to Indonesia as the “greatest prize in the Southeast Asian area.” Earlier some commentators had suggested plausibly that the massive American war effort in Vietnam after 1965 was linked intimately with the successful right-wing military takeover in October of that year in Indonesia, a takeover followed by one of the largest massacres in modern times and the establishment of a military dictatorship which has ruled the country for more than 11 years. During those years, the natural resources and large potential supply of cheap labor have motivated several multinational corporations to invest in Indonesia, and the profits from their operations have flowed to Japan, West Germany, and the U.S.  相似文献   

12.
Approaches and instruments focused on market mechanisms and private enterprises, including private protected areas, are promoted as ways to resolve global environmental and developmental problems. In Indonesia, Ecosystem Restoration Concessions (ERCs) have been developed as a new market-oriented governmental instrument to counter current deforestation processes and to restore forest ecosystems. Conservation and development organizations, along with state authorities, view ERCs as a highly promising instrument in Indonesia and in other countries as well. Experiences with ERCs are still limited, however, and their viability is uncertain. The implementation of ERCs in Indonesia has been controversial and the impact of ERCs on forests and forest-dependent communities has been fiercely disputed. This article explores these conflicts and disputes with a focus on the Harapan ERC and weighs the relevance of ERCs for German development cooperation. The improvement of the accountability of such projects and the implementation of mediation facilities are emphasized as prerequisites to establishing such market-oriented instruments according to international standards of nature conservation, the rights of indigenous and local populations, and sustainable development. The author concludes that decisions about strategies and instruments applied in forest-related development cooperation must involve a reconsideration of the mindsets that currently determine conservation approaches and development cooperation.  相似文献   

13.
苏哈托时期印尼的资源在爪哇族与外岛民族之间的分配,主要采取中央与地方财政分割的形式.其分配格局是:爪哇独占鳌头而外岛只分得残羹剩饭,它是主体民族与少数民族政治-文化不平等在经济领域的投影,反过来又深刻地影响着印尼的民族关系.本文将政治-文化与经济利益的纠结,作为探索资源分配与民族关系互动的切入点,并试图循此路径使问题的分析达到一个新的境界.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

Right-wing politics in Indonesia is frequently associated with Islamic populist ideas. In part this is because Islamic organisations played a major role in the army-led destruction of the Indonesian Communist Party in the 1960s. Since then Islamic populism has evolved greatly and in post-authoritarian Indonesia it includes manifestations that see no fundamental contradiction between Islam and neo-liberal market economies as well as those that do. Significantly, like their counterparts in other countries, Indonesian Islamic populists maintain vigilance against the purveyors of class-based politics who may exert a divisive influence on the ummah. Thus, Indonesian Islamic populism shares with many of its counterparts a disdain for Leftist challenges to private property and capital accumulation besides political liberalism’s affinity to the secular national state. Yet strands of Islamic populism have relegated the project of establishing a state based on sharia to the background and embraced the democratic process. But this has not translated necessarily into social pluralist positions on a range of issues because the reinforcement of cultural idioms associated with Islam is required for the mobilisation of public support in contests over power and resources based on an ummah-based political identity.  相似文献   

15.
Indonesia’s deforestation is a crisis of global proportions. Its causes are highly complex, spanning local social and community dynamics to national political hierarchies and global corporate politics, current and historic. Development plays a key role, with global neo-liberal imperatives leveraged, resisted and competing with myriad multi-level agendas and actors. Gramscian analysis of logics and ideology, which combine to construct a global and local “common sense,” helps to explain the mixed messages of policy and conservation, which themselves make Indonesian deforestation and its solutions so complicated. Solutions to forest destruction, presented in the form of payment for ecosystem services, multi-stakeholder initiatives, improved governance and transparency within a neo-liberal market framework, have had limited success. The reason for this limited success lies in the notion, encouraged by multilateral and development thinking, that commodification of communities and nature will also conserve forests. Drawing on fieldwork in Indonesia and the United States, this article argues that discrepancies in development and economic policy, which lead to ecologically destructive outcomes like tropical deforestation, cannot be patched up by innovative market tools. Rather, they reflect irreconcilable flaws in contemporary political economy.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

This essay is my attempt to guide readers through the thicket of print and film resources from and about Indonesia in a way that provides a structure for making sense of the evergrowing body of literature about Indonesia. The choice of literature recommended in this essay is inspired by my own fascination with the theme of transition from a traditional to a modern society. Just what we understand by “tradition” and “modernity” is, of course, debated constantly, as is the way we evaluate these two conditions. What is not in doubt, however, is that a transition is in progress, that it is taking place rapidly, and that it is at times unrelentingly cruel to those who are experiencing the phenomenon. “Concerned” scholarship, I believe, should be determined to achieve a measure of rational control over that transition through its mastery of all relevant literature.  相似文献   

17.
Rather than producing a new liberal democracy, Indonesia’s sudden democratising process that started in 1998 has produced a mere electoral democracy. This commentary argues that this situation cannot be separated from the preservation of the Five Principles, or the Pancasila, in the political reform agenda (reformasi). In this case, the Indonesian version of exceptionalism (national self-righteousness) has unwittingly legitimised some fundamental deviations from internationally well-established practices in global constitutionalism as the post Suharto Indonesia proceeds to “electoralise” its public life. Indonesia’s version of exceptionalism might best be described in an unabated conviction about the inviolable nature of Pancasila in national political life and beyond. This Pancasila delusion has gone further with the introduction of some legal efforts to prosecute any sacrileges against it. To make matters worse, this delusional conviction in Pancasila has stubbornly featured in Indonesia’s political thinking, which eventually has also prompted the process of reformasi to drift from one ad hoc response to another.  相似文献   

18.
邵长超 《东南亚研究》2012,(2):103-106,111
随着中国综合国力的提升以及中印之间合作的加强,汉语教学在印尼得到了较快的发展。本文对印尼棉兰地区汉语教学的现状展开调查,分别阐述了印尼棉兰地区现有的教学形式、师资力量及其具体的课程设置、教材使用,并对出现的问题进行了分析,指出了汉语教学发展的方向。  相似文献   

19.
This article addresses the role of natural resources in the protracted conflict between Morocco and Western Sahara. Drawing from literatures of political ecology and political science, the article argues that natural resources have been deeply implicated in the conflict over time, with resource-related developments lending legitimacy to each party in different ways. The complex political economy of resource exploitation and the associated geopolitical enjeux have led to the de facto recognition of Morocco's occupation, and the symbolic aspects of natural resources have lent the Sahrawi cause legitimacy and an important node around which allies can be mobilised. That sovereignty is contested has facilitated a discourse in a different, more powerful way than when it is not in question, particularly in the Sahrawi's capacity to invoke international law to support their case. Drawing on the cases of South Sudan and Indonesia, the article ends with a brief discussion of the potential of the region's high-value resources for peace-making activities.  相似文献   

20.
中国是印度尼西亚最主要的贸易伙伴之一,既是印尼最大的出口目的地,也是印尼第一大进口来源国。而对于中国来说,印尼不是主要的贸易伙伴,只是一个快速增长的新兴市场。从中印尼两国贸易商品结构分析的结论看,印尼可以在农业原材料、食品、燃料、矿物和金属方面加大对中国的出口,而中国可以在制成品方面加大对印尼的出口。两国贸易的互补性指数表明两国在技术条件、要素禀赋、所处的经济发展阶段等方面存在较大差异,基本属于垂直型产业间贸易,具有较为广阔的贸易发展空间。当前中国与印尼的贸易正面临着一些障碍与困境:印尼频繁对中国发起贸易救济立案,中国与印尼之间的传统能源贸易也面临不可持续的困境。鉴于以上各种原因,中国企业可以通过投资印尼,来提升两国的经济合作水平。  相似文献   

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