工作时间如何影响青年志愿服务的参与

志愿服务正逐渐成为中国青年参与国家建设和社会发展的重要方式。青年群体处于职业发展起步阶段，工作状况是影响其志愿服务参与的重要因素，在其具体的作用机制上存在“时间约束理论”和“社会整合理论”之争。通过对2019年“中国社会状况综合调查”相关数据的分析发现，工作时间与中国青年志愿服务参与率和参与深度均呈倒“U”型曲线关系；工作时间较为灵活的青年更乐于参与志愿服务活动，也倾向于贡献更多的服务时间。研究结论为社会整合理论提供了中国情境下的经验证据，也为解决青年群体志愿服务参与的短暂性与不稳定性等现实问题提供政策启示。     

构建高校学生公益性社团的发展平台

高校学生公益性社团是建设、丰富校园文化的有效载体,是开展学生思想政治教育工作、提高学生素质、完善学生人格的新平台,也是培养和锻炼学生实践能力的重要平台。社会和学校需要更好地支持高校学生公益性社团的良好发展,为高校学生公益性社团的可持续发展提供稳固的平台,鼓励更多的大学生投身于公益性服务活动,推动青年志愿服务事业新发展。     

杭州市大学生志愿服务状况调查研究

随着经济社会的不断发展以及构建和谐社会的不断深入,大学志愿服务活动在如火如荼的进行着,大学生志愿者越来越受到社会的普遍关注。基于此,通过对杭州市高校大学生志愿服务状况的调查进行分析研究,探寻解决大学生志愿服务中存在问题的有效途径,以提高大学生志愿服务水平,促进青年志愿服务事业的蓬勃发展。     

辽宁省社会志愿服务的分析评价

志愿服务是指任何人自愿贡献个人的时间和精力，在不为物质报酬的前提下，为推动人类社会的进步和社会福利事业的发展而提供服务的活动^[1]。分析了辽宁省社会志愿服务的几种形态，从中总结出今后在发展社会志愿服务的过程中应该努力克服的问题和改进的方向。     

青年志愿者行动的实践与理论思考--以陕西省为例

青年志愿者行动是由共青团中央发起并动员全国各族青年广泛参与的志愿服务事业,被江泽民同志称赞为“当代社会主义中国一项十分高尚的事业”。它致力于帮助有特殊困难的社会成员,推动社会保障体系的建立和完善;致力于消除贫困和落后,消灭公害和环境污染,普及科学文化知识,促进经济社会协调发展和全面进步;致力于建立互助友爱的人际关系和良好的社会公德,推动社会主义精神文明建设;立足于社会关注、党政关心、青年能为的社会公益事业,动员和组织青年参与社会主义精神文明建设的有效载体,是新形势下青年工作服务社会的一种新探索。陕西省青年…     

浅淡志愿服务的立法

浅淡志愿服务的立法郭珞在我国，有组织地开展志愿服务始于１９９３年共青团中央实施“青年志愿者行动”之后，据统计，４年多来，全国参加志愿服务的青年已达５５２０多万人次，为社会提供了１１亿小时以上的志愿服务。这种开风气之先，重塑道德规范的社会活动影响是深远...     

地方高校青年志愿者服务常态化研究——以湖北理工学院为例

当前,大学生作为青年志愿服务的重要组成部分,在志愿服务活动中起着十分重要的作用。本文以湖北理工学院为例,采用问卷调查法,了解青年志愿者服务常态化的现状,分析存在的问题,以构建青年志愿服务常态化的长效机制为研究重点,提出建议与对策,探索青年志愿服务活动常态化发展机制建立的有效路径。     

社会管理创新中社区志愿服务利益表达的有效性

发展社区志愿服务事业是创新社会管理的一项重要工作.随着社区改革及社会建设进程的不断深化,市场的开放性、社会的流动性、社区的多样性不断加剧,社会管理的难度显著增加,不同的社区利益主体出现了具有相对独立的利益诉求和服务需求.要完善社区志愿服务各类利益群体表达的有效性,必须整合信任与社会网络关系以及文化观念等社会资本,培育深厚的公民社会底蕴；在社区物业中,凝聚一批有奉献精神,有专业技能的高素质员工队伍,凝聚物业力量实现志愿服务工作走向科学化、制度化、规范化与常态化；搭建社区志愿服务供需对接平台,努力实现各类志愿服务资源的有效整合,营造奉献、友爱、互助、进步的时代新风,完善进社区志愿服务组织向规范化、制度化、常态化、社会化发展,健全机制,为社区志愿服务持续发展提供有力保障.     

广州志愿服务与大学生公民意识调查分析

从大学生志愿者群体入手,运用调查问卷的方法研究志愿服务对大学生公民意识培养的影响,对管理与发展志愿服务以及加强青年大学生公民意识教育等方面提出相关建议如下:积极引导大学生积极参与志愿服务;创造条件为大学生参与志愿服务提供便利.     

美国社会志愿服务体系借鉴

深圳作为全国文明城市,也是全国首次系统性提出建设"志愿者之城"的城市,在社会建设中也一直倡导共建共享共治的理念,通过学习借鉴美国在社会建设特别是社会动员、全面参与和社会志愿服务事业的经验与做法,为深圳建设"志愿者之城"提供切实可行的理论参考,激励和动员更多的市民群众共同参与和谐社会建设,营造"来了就是深圳人,来了就做志愿者"的志愿服务氛围。     

American E-Government at the Crossroads

Abstract

This article reports analyses, findings, conclusions and implications about the first U.S. survey of Web sites of 223 major American cities with populations of 100,000 or more. The national survey sought to provide one of the most comprehensive reviews of, and current and future implications regarding, Web site uses by major cities as well as optimal uses by features and user benefits. It made concrete suggestions for future uses of governmental Web-strategy development. Completed in June 2001, the study sought particularly to evaluate how American cities are incorporating online services into their constituency services. Analyses and findings indicated that many major U.S. cities were advancing their e-gov-ernment initiatives and virtually all cities acknowledged the importance of a basic Web presence. However, a large gap still remained between current practice and Optimal, Ml online potential.     

EXPORTING AMERICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PRACTICE TO RUSSIA

The failure of US initiatives to build local/regional economic development capacity in Russia following the fall of Communism has been partly blamed on national factors, Russian culture, and American consultants. Much of the failure, however, probably resulted because American approaches to economic development—‐highly successful in other contexts—could not work during Russia's transition from a command economy to its current state. Such things as promoting entrepreneurship, developing public‐private partnerships, creating a market economy, accessing start‐up capital, attracting foreign investment, overcoming bureaucratic corruption and high taxation, working within the rule of law, and negating organized crime either should not have been done, or could not have been done, leaving many of our programs ineffective. We ask whether the Russian deviations from the U.S. model have any implications for the current situation facing state and local development policy in the U.S.     

Civil rights on the white earth reservation

Abstract

The concept of “civil rights” is based on assumptions that do not extend to all lands within U.S. borders, including Native American reservations. A central policy tension exists between enforcing Euro‐American “civil rights” and recognizing Native American sovereignty. This tension is discussed in light of the situation on the White Earth Reservation, one of six reservations that make up the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe. Four possible means of addressing White Earth civil rights issues are discussed, each with possible applications in other reservation settings. None of the four is found to be clearly effective in gaining the civil rights defined for U.S. citizens for reservation residents. Although the underlying question of the relationship between civil rights and sovereignty defies easy solution, some suggestions are offered.     

The effects of tougher enforcement on the job prospects of recent Latin American immigrants

Attempts to enforce immigration laws in the U.S. interior have proliferated in recent years, yet the effects of these laws on immigrants are largely unknown. This paper examines whether increases in immigration‐related law enforcement since 2001 have adversely affected the labor market outcomes of low‐education male immigrants from Latin America, a group that comprises the bulk of undocumented workers in the U.S. The crackdown on the use of fraudulent Social Security numbers, increased requirements for government‐issued identification, and other changes associated with greater focus on national security likely lowered the demand for undocumented foreign‐born workers in the years following the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Using Current Population Survey data and a difference‐in‐differences estimation technique, we find strong evidence of worse labor market outcomes among recent Latin American immigrants in the post‐9/11 period relative to natives and prior Latin American immigrants. The results indicate a decline in employment, hours worked, and earnings among recent male Latin American immigrants relative to similarly low‐skilled black and Hispanic natives and vis‐à‐vis Latin American immigrants who have been in the U.S. longer. Our findings are consistent with firms increasingly substituting legal workers for undocumented labor in the years following 9/11. © 2009 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.     

Building capacity in indigenous governance: Comparing the Australian and American experiences

This paper compares key aspects of governance structures for Indigenous populations in the United States and Australia. The paper focuses on policy coordination and administration, in particular the nodes of decision-making in the two countries in relation to government contracting and accountability. The U.S. approach to funding Indigenous organizations stems from the 1975 Indian Self-Determination and Education Act and its subsequent expansions. Through the development of contracting into permanent compacting via block grants, this approach builds established nodes of Indigenous government and facilitates whole-of-government coherence at the level of the American Indian tribe. The U.S. approach seems correlated with better performance and may lighten bureaucratic loads over the long term. The Australian model, on the other hand, seeks to create whole-of-government coherence through top-down financial accountability in a way that hampers the development of Indigenous political capacity. The paper traces the development of these practices through time and illustrates how they contribute to the fragmentation rather than growth of Indigenous political capacities. It suggests ways the Australian model could be improved even in the absence of fundamental reform by drawing on the contracting-to-compacting framework of longstanding U.S. practices.     

Anglicizing the United States Constitution: James Bryce's Contribution to Australian Federalism

James Bryce's analysis of American federalism made it possiblefor the Australian founders to reproduce federal institutionson the American model without replicating the republican andempirical ideas that underpinned them in the United States Constitution.Bryce's account in The American Commonwealth (1888) appealedto Australia's founders because it was suited to their needs.Bryce was English, and, like a sensible nineteenth-century Englishman,he argued that U. S. institutions had little to do with intellectualproduct. Instead, they were largely English institutions adaptedto American purposes. Reading Bryce, Australia's founders assumedthat if federal institutions had little to do with abstracttheory, and had simply been adapted to American circumstances,they might also be adapted to Australian circumstances. Thus,Bryce's approach to American federalism allowed Australia'sfounders to substitute their own colonial tradition of parliamentarydemocracy under the Crown for the republican principles of rightsand the separation of powers that underlie the U.S. Constitution.     

The impact of the U.S. war on terrorism upon U.S.-China relations

Using a framework of geopolitical analysis. Oliver Lee argues that the fundamental geopolitical relationships between the United States and China, namely the relationship between the world’s strongest naval and air power and the world’s strongest land power, would not be upset even after the American military presence in central Asia since September 11, 2001. The relationship would remain essentially unaltered because — American initiation of the use of nuclear weapons against China being ruled out for fear of Chinese retaliation — China would be able to withstand any U.S. military offensive conducted with conventional land, sea, and air forces, regardless of whether the U.S. possesses permanent air bases in Central Asia or not, and regardless of how many troops it may station on them. His teaching and research interests include domestic and foreign policies of China and power in America and U.S. foreign policy.     

Social analysis,project development and advocacy in U.S. foreign assistance

In 1975 the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID), the principal administrative agent for American bilateral development assistance, mandated a social analysis component to the project preparation and approval process.¹ Although 'social soundness analysis' is now a required dimension of project identification and design its presumed positive effects are not yet apparent on the output side. Post project impact evaluations reveal that there continue to be negative social effects from AID'S development efforts, regardless of project type. In the process by which projects are identified, framed, approved, and ultimately implemented, important signals identified by pre-project social analysis get displaced. This occurs because anticipating social impact is only one of several goals or functions served by pre-project design analysis. This essay interprets the role of social analysis in the dynamics of project preparation, identifying structures and procedures which attenuate its influence.     

COVID-19 and American Attitudes toward U.S.-China Disputes

The COVID-19 outbreak has fueled tension between the U.S. and China. Existing literature in international relations rarely focuses on virus outbreaks as factors affecting international relations between superpower countries, nor does research examine an outbreak’s potential influence on the public’s opinion about their country’s foreign policy. To bridge this research gap, this study explores the extent to which the American public may be prone to favor policies that “punish” China via existing U.S.-China disputes, such as the South China Sea dispute and the U.S.-China trade war. I conducted an online survey using Amazon’s Mechanical Turk and ran multinomial and ordered logit models to estimate the association between an individual’s preferred policies and the country or government an individual blame for the impact of the pandemic. After controlling several essential confounding factors, such as one’s levels of nationalism and hawkishness, I found strong evidence that there is a positive association between people’s attribution of blame to the Chinese government and the likelihood of supporting aggressive policy options in the two disputes with China. That is to say, U.S. citizens who believe that the Chinese government is solely culpable for the outbreak in the U.S., compared to those who think otherwise, are more likely to support hawkish policy options, such as confrontational military actions, economic sanctions, or higher tariff rates. The research provides a glimpse into where Americans may stand in these disputes with China and the potential development of U.S.-China relations in the post-pandemic era.

     

Hawaiian Sovereignty

The movement for national sovereignty among persons of Hawaiianancestry has burgeoned during the last several decades, withsome seeking secession of the State of Hawai'i from the AmericanUnion. The movement's roots are multiple, among which figuresprominently the overthrow of Queen Lili'uokalani in 1893 withthe connivance of the armed forces of the United States, forwhich the U. S. Congress recently apologized. Some indigenousHawaiians dismiss the annexation of Hawai'i and its subsequentstatehood as having occurred without their independent choice.The Hawaiian sovereignty movement may be roughly divided intothree categories: "Hawaiian Nation Separatists" supporting anindependent Hawai'i nation; "Nation-within-a-Nation" advocatesdesiring a status comparable to that of American Indians; andthose Hawaiians supporting the status quo but with redress inmany forms. Steps are underway to hold constitutional conventionof all Hawaiians to propose a native Hawaiian government. Whetherthe U.S. Congress can respond to the thrust of the movementwithin the constraints of the American federal system remainsproblematical.