论南海问题中的美国因素

在影响南海问题的外部力量中,美国是最重要的第三方。冷战时期,美国对南海问题主要采取不介入和不表态的中立政策。冷战结束以来,美国开始关注和介入南海问题,并逐步采取具有明显倾向的政治和军事干预政策。美国的介入和干预加大了南海问题的复杂性和中国解决南海问题的难度。     

中国军事外交与新安全观

近年来,军事外交尤其是中国的军事外交引起了越来越多学者的关注.本文将军事外交定义为根据国家总体发展目标而制定的国防政策和外交政策的执行过程中国家军事部门的对外交流合作活动,并将其分为普遍性军事外交、交流性军事外交和合作性军事外交三种类型.以此为框架,通过考察中国军事外交的脉络,我们认为中国军事外交在后冷战时期最重要的特点就是普遍性军事外交和交流性军事外交的强化,而导致这一变化的最主要原因是中国安全观念的变化和新安全观的确立.     

2010年以来南海争端背景下的越南对外军事关系

2010年以来,海洋权益争端和南海问题逐年发酵升温,亚太地区局势也因美国的"介入"变得更加复杂。出于对自身国家安全和利益的维护,更为了在南海问题上与中国抗衡,越南在坚持"大国平衡"战略的基础上,开始有重点地、主动地与亚太地区除中国之外的有影响力国家,如美国、日本、俄罗斯、印度、东盟国家之间开展军事外交。由于以上国家在越南对外政策中的战略地位不同,同时受双方历史交往传统的影响,越南与它们之间的军事关系呈现出一些不同的特点。     

美国“重返东南亚”的军事外交评析

军事外交和军事合作在美国的东南亚战略中发挥了重要作用,成为维护美国的主导地位和围堵中国的战略选项。美国军事重返东南亚的战略部署完成于反恐战争时期。在奥巴马政府亚太战略调整的背景下,美国对东南亚的军事外交强调与盟友和战略伙伴的双边军事关系,也注重在多边场合的战略阐释,通过军事教育与合作项目向东南亚内陆国家实施军事渗透。美国重返东南亚的军事外交打破了中美地缘战略平衡,中美战略博弈日趋复杂。     

克里米亚闪电入俄的经验与启示

俄罗斯推动克里米亚闪电入俄，是对俄不断遭遇美欧战略挤压和安全包围的强烈反弹，标志着地缘政治新的博弈。俄罗斯综合运用了外交、国际法、经济以及军事介入等手段，并利用了美国的弱点进行反击，充分折射出美国霸权的局限性。对中国突破周边困局提供了难得的借鉴与启示。     

加拿大安全政策新变化探析北大核心

近年加拿大的安全政策发生了显著变化，军事上通过一系列大额军费支出逆转了军事投入持续走低的趋势；经济上，大力限制所谓“非民主国家”境内投资，并与其他西方“民主国家”共建供应链壁垒，改变其在全球推行自由市场经济的一贯立场；情报安全上，重心由反恐转向防范高科技领域的间谍活动和对其民主制度的“颠覆活动”。究其原因，首先是美国将大国竞争升级至各个领域，并要求加拿大等盟国全面深度参与；其次是美国战略防御意识提升、科技在现代战事中作用增强以及加拿大在北极防务中所处的特殊地位，使加在美国全球安全战略中的地位凸显；再次是加拿大对自由国际主义的身份认同被削弱。加拿大安全政策“美国化”的趋势在短期内难以逆转，其变化将主要取决于美国安全政策的走向。与此同时，中加安全合作仍有值得探索的空间。     

普京时代俄美在中亚的博弈及走势

苏联解体后，俄罗斯作为其继承国，经历了十多年的政治动荡和经济下滑。普京上台后，采取了一系列内政外交新政策，使俄罗斯逐步走向复兴。普京政府在吸取历史和现实教训的基础上，以复兴大国地位为指向，开展务实外交。一方面，它仍视中亚地区为俄传统的势力范围，坚决反对美国的渗透；另一方面，它正视美国介入的现实，采取更灵活的手段争取中亚国家。俄在坚持优先发展与独联体国家间关系的同时，开始对独联体国家区别对待。中亚地区是美国全球战略中的重要一环，但鉴于俄罗斯在该地区的传统优势，美国政府没有采取冒进的政策，而是稳扎稳打，由点及面地向中亚全面渗透。俄美两国在中亚的战略是相冲突的，这将使两国在中亚展开全面的争夺。     

奥巴马政府“转身亚洲”战略与中美关系

奥巴马政府"转身亚洲"战略的出台虽然不代表美对华政策发生了根本性转变,但美国随之采取的一系列军事和外交调整与行动表明,美已将战略重心转移至亚太地区,其对中国的认识与判断正在出现新的重大变化,已经将中国作为最主要的军事"假想敌"。在东亚地区安全上,美国不再依赖"中美合作",而是侧重以继续强化美在该地区战略存在和战略主导、协调与盟国及新兴伙伴关系的方式来稳定地区安全秩序;同时扩大以制衡中国为主体的安全体系。该战略代表着美国亚太政策的又一次重大转型,中国对其战略含义与动向绝不可低估。     

美国情报体制及存在的问题

美国现代情报体制自1947年创立后,就在美国外交、经济与军事决策中发挥了难以替代的巨大作用,为维护美国的国家利益作出了直接的贡献。可以说,离开了情报系统,美国的全球霸权将难以为继。     

浅析日本对柬埔寨的援助外交

一、援助外交是日本对柬发展外交关系的重要手段援助外交是日本在政治、军事外交能力薄弱的历史条件下形成的外交手法。由于历史的原因 ,日本在与亚洲国家的交往中 ,难以得到信任 ,援助外交便成为战后日本外交的显著特征。日本外相川口顺子曾表示 ,经济援助是“日本外交的重要手段” ,对维持日本作为世界经济大国“作用巨大”①。在争当政治大国的进程中 ,通过加强经济援助来扩大对他国的影响 ,对于不行使军事影响力和出口武器的日本来说 ,对其推动国家战略转换 ,改变自身国际形象 ,特别是在亚洲人民心目中的形象有重要作用。而在维护和发展…     

奠边府战役的胜利:中越人民战斗友谊的历史丰碑——奠边府战役胜利60周年纪念

奠边府战役是越南军民在抗法战争中取得历史性转折的伟大战役,也是中国人民支持越南抗击法国殖民者,打败美国干涉者的决定性战役。奠边府战役的胜利首先是越南人民的胜利,同时也是中越团结抗敌的胜利。在奠边府战役中,中越两国军民并肩战斗,共同对敌,结下深厚的战斗情谊,将中越友好关系推上了一个高峰,树立了一块光辉灿烂的历史丰碑。回顾奠边府战役的战斗历程,我们要永远牢记和珍惜两国人民这种十分宝贵的团结战斗的国际友情。     

中越两国人民的友谊和团结是不可战胜的——从边界战役到奠边府大捷的历史启示

奠边府大捷是越南人民和越南人民军在胡志明主席、越共中央和越南人民军总部的正确领导和指导下取得的胜利。也是越南人民和军队在中国人民和中国军事顾问团的支持和帮助下取得的胜利。它证明了越中两国人民的友谊和团结是不可战胜的。这种友谊和团结,是越南人民取得从边界战役到奠边府大捷的一系列胜利的重要原因,也是中越两国人民今后朝着改革开放和共同繁荣的道路迈进的强大的精神动力。     

Norway between NATO,the EU,and the US: A Case Study of Post-Cold War Security and Defence Discourse

This article addresses the post-Cold War security and defence discourse in Norway, focusing on the impact of the transformation of NATO, an increasingly ambitious EU within security matters and the transatlantic tensions in the War on Terror. The article argues that changes or continuity in policy result from the discursive battle between various power constellations, which are forcing conflicting understandings of reality on each other. In this battle, the dominant representation frames NATO's transformation as a precondition for national defence with reference to alliance solidarity, loyalty and interoperability. The alternative representation, on the other hand, has framed NATO's transformation as negative for national defence, claiming that forces trained for global, warlike missions are neither capable nor available for national defence tasks such as containment of Russia's strategic interests in the Barents Sea. The EU has been brought into the security and defence discourse only when new integration steps, such as the European security and defence policy and EU Battle Groups, put the question of how far Norway may participate, to a test. However, developments like the slow withering away of NATO and unilateralist US foreign policy on Iraq are contributing to pushing the Norwegian discourse, and hence policy, closer to Europe.     

Gerald Fitzmaurice (1865–1939), Chief Dragoman of the British Embassy in Turkey by Berridge,G.R

Nixon was one of the first American politicians to advocate the building of a strong US‐Japan economic alliance and the Nixon administration laid the foundation for the healthy post‐Vietnam dialogue that the Carter and Reagan administrations cultivated with Tokyo. This article examines that foundation, and its contribution to the general post‐World War II US‐Japan relationship. Vietnam changed America, and it even changed the way a once arch‐cold warrior, Nixon, viewed the significance of US‐Japan relations. After years of Washington's scoffing at or ignoring Japanese interests, this American ‘discovery’ of Japan was an important development in itself. Hence, this article also examines a relationship in transition which, for Nixon's America, was an important first step in the construction of a post‐Vietnam view of Asian/Pacific cooperation.     

“The European Union, Vietnam, and Human Rights as Law: the case of the 1995 EU–Vietnam framework agreement and its human rights clause.”

The year 1995 marked a major watershed for modern Vietnam. It completed its post-Cold War strategy of “multilateralizing” its foreign policy by joining ASEAN, normalizing relations with the US, and signing a comprehensive framework agreement with the EU. All three are recognized as major accomplishments for modern Vietnamese diplomacy. However, in the EU–Vietnam framework agreement, Hanoi made an unprecedented concession when it agreed to the human rights clause in the treaty. For the very first time, Vietnam had accepted an explicit, legally binding stipulation on human rights in a bilateral treaty. This remarkable development resulted from the confluence of three major dynamics. First, Hanoi had committed itself to establish sound relations with all major economic centers-of-gravity at the time, ASEAN, the US, and the EU. Second, the EU also was keenly interested in stronger relations with Asian countries but was flexible about prioritizing any particular bilateral relationship. Third, Brussels’ diplomats had to work off a treaty template when negotiating fundamental bilateral agreements. The standard EU framework agreement at the time included a human rights clause. In 1995, the EU was insisting that any treaty with Vietnam would have to include a clause on human rights. Initially, Hanoi rejected such a treaty provision, and the negotiations stalled. However, when Hanoi realized that Brussels felt no urgency to complete the treaty and was unable to compromise on human rights, Vietnam’s leadership reconsidered. In order to complete the strategy of “multilateralizing” its international affairs, Vietnam had to accept the human rights clause in the treaty with the EU.     

试析20世纪70年代中越关系剧变原因之苏联因素

20世纪70年代中越关系的变化出人意料,两国在短短的十年时间就从肝胆相照的兄弟变为不共戴天的敌人,促成这一剧变的诸多因素中,苏联因素不容忽视。苏联对第三世界政策的调整,导致其对越南政策的变化,在越南问题上由超然的脱身态度变为积极援助,中苏两国关于援越问题产生矛盾,越南出于自身国家利益考虑,推行有利于自身的倾向性政策,越南在中苏两国关系的天平上倒向了苏联一边。与此同时,苏联调整对社会主义阵营的政策,中苏关系破裂,从而影响中美关系走向,中美和解对中越关系产生诸多负面影响,两国关系交恶,矛盾冲突愈演愈烈,不断升级,最终导致中越处于全面紧张和严重对立状态,两国关系产生戏剧性变化。总之,苏联的全球性进攻战略政策对此期中越关系影响深远。     

TCL集团在越南的投资战略分析

近年来,在越南投资的中国企业数量越来越多,投资规模越来越大,中国企业对越南投资有成功的经验,也有失败的教训,TCL集团对越南的投资相对比较成功。文章分析TCL集团在越南投资的不利因素和有利因素,分析TCL集团相应的投资策略,进一步分析TCL集团在越南投资的未来挑战及其对策。     

A 'missed opportunity' for peace? Harold Wilson, British diplomacy, and the sun flower initiative to end the Vietnam war, February 1967

This article examines Harold Wilson's attempts to promote a peaceful solution to the Vietnam war during his first term in office as Britain's Prime Minister, with particular reference to his discussions with the Soviet Premier, Alexei Kosygin, in London in February 1967. Wilson's diplomatic efforts were influenced by his intention to improve Anglo-Soviet relations, and by his belief that the United Kingdom could help develop East-West contacts and facilitate the process of detente. In conclusion, this article argues that the failure of the Sunflower initiative in February 1967 was due not to the intervention of American 'hawks', as Wilson supposed, but to the convoluted clash of interests of the powers involved either directly or indirectly in the Vietnam war - the USA, USSR, China, and North Vietnam - which handicapped third-parry peace initiatives.     

晚期占婆的港口与政治模式

占婆是由越南中部沿海地区的一系列河流流域政体组成的政权，每一个流域政体有政治中心、沿海港口和宗教中心3个政权支柱。这些政权以沿海港口为对外交流中心，经济上严重依赖对外贸易。晚期占婆在越南的侵略下，失去了沿海港口和对外贸易的自主权，经济上转向了农业为主，文化上也发生了较大的转变。     

COIN flips: American international relations and counter-insurgency

The essay examines the recent rehabilitation of counter-insurgency doctrine, especially as conducted by third party interveners. The advent of the refurbished US (United States) Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency field manual, a volume with scholarly self-presentation, is the focal point. This essay is concerned with the dubious bases of the doctrinal justifications driving recent US interventions. The Vietnam War turns out to be the crucial case for American scholars and policy-makers who have construed the history of counter-insurgency there as an unacknowledged success, which today has become the standard account in American International relations scholarship. The essay is a critical examination of this development and of its implications.