试析日本人权外交

近几年来,日本人权外交方面出现了一系列新动向,比如2005年12月日本内阁决定设立“人权大使”,2006年6月日本参议院以多数票赞成通过《朝鲜人权法案》,等等。这引起了国际社会的关注。系统考察日本人权外交可以发现,它深受日本社会文化、历史、战略和国际环境影响,表现出明显不同于美国的特征。本文通过对日本人权外交流变、特征和原因的分析,认为日本人权外交政策正在从模糊走向制度化。     

世纪之交日本安全和外交政策

日本安全和外交政策的特点是:着力加强日美安全合作;积极介入朝鲜半岛事务;加快扩军步伐,突出防卫的“自立性”;逐步推动日元国际化。目前日本国内新民族主义的抬头及国际上新干涉主义的蔓延都对日本安全和外交政策产生影响。今后日本为加速实现其政治大国目标,会进一步扩大军事实力,加紧制订“有事法制”,外交上将更多显示自己的独特性,加强对亚洲事务的政治干预,在多边外交活动中谋求发挥更大作用。     

日本人权外交的强化及其困境北大核心

自2020年以来,人权议题在日本外交政策讨论中备受重视。人权派议员团体以及执政党高层着力推动相关立法和制度准备。岸田文雄上台后不仅设置人权问题首相辅佐官,还在外务省专门设置负责人权外交机构。在日本人权外交叙事中,通过人权外交补齐日本外交的短板并在此基础上寻求地区以及国际影响力是其主观动因,而以人权问题为抓手配合美国开展全方位对华战略竞争则是其外交战略布局的应有之意。日本所推行的人权外交不仅无视自身国内的人权问题,同时将其作为外交政策手段选择性地应用,以此牵制中国的政治意图。日本输入人权规范的双重标准以及输出人权外交的区别对待,显然已经偏离了普遍人权理念的轨道。     

胡汉民论南京国民政府对日外交析

胡汉民是国民党元老之一,1933年1月~1936年6月,胡汉民在广州创办了《三民主义月刊》,公开针砭时政。其中有关南京政府对日外交的论文十余篇,抨击南京政府依靠国联制日、求助列强抵御日本、国际合作外交以及对日妥协的外交政策;提出一系列抗日外交主张,即从直接交涉到武力抗战。并指出“降日是绝路”,抗日“是我们唯一的生路”。胡汉民既有借抗日而反蒋的目的,也表现了鲜明的民族立场,颇有研究的价值。     

日本的联合国外交

经济大国的实力和“政治大国”的目标,使日本对它在联合国中的现有地位和作用不满。日本外交转为大国外交,并同美欧一起建立国际新秩序是90年代日本外交的新构图,也是日本的联合国外交的核心。日本的联合国外交的主要做法是:为出任安理会常任理事国大造舆论;删除“敌国”条款;派遣自卫队参加联合国的维持和平活动;加强联合国的人员合作。     

印度外交政策的历史转换析论

成为“有声有色”的世界政治大国,是印度自独立起就确立的国家战略目标。为实现该战略目标,不同的时代,印度采用不同的外交政策,也取得了不同的政治实效。尼赫鲁时期的外交战略是借助独立于美苏阵营的不结盟外交寻求政治大国地位,但自身国力的贫弱为印度的大国目标蒙上了浓重的理想主义色彩。后尼赫鲁时期的外交战略抛弃了不切实际的不结盟外交,转而依靠军事实力以谋取地区强国地位。然而,这一战略导致地区局势紧张,制约了印度走向世界政治大国的进程。2l世纪以来,印度实现了对非洲外交政策的战略性转换,即从重视硬实力的传统外交政策转向软实力外交。印度从不结盟到软实力外交的历史转换,凸显出以国家利益最大化为中心、以国际环境变换为外在变量、以中国为参照和竞争对象、注重发挥“软硬”合力的特征。     

俄罗斯外交:历史与现实

本文首先为分析俄国国际行为提供了一个外交史的研究路径:20世纪俄国激进变迁的遗产;影响俄国外交的4个持久因素,即相对的经济落后性、多元文化的国家社会、可渗透的边疆及文化的边缘性,这些是正确认识俄国外交的入口.其次,本文分析了影响俄罗斯外交的新因素:苏联解体不仅使整个俄罗斯国家发生了结构性的变化,而且使俄国开始了一场影响深远的制度变迁,充分理解这一因素对俄国外交的影响,是把握俄罗斯外交政策变迁的关键.最后,本文通过上述历史与现实相结合的分析框架,评价了俄国近年来的外交政策过程,得出了一个较为乐观的结论:俄国不仅是21世纪世界多极化发展趋势的重要力量,而且也是国际稳定和合作的积极因素.     

主权债务危机下的欧盟外交

主权债务危机使欧盟对外交政策的关注减少,共同外交“国家化”的趋势有所加强; “地缘经济”回归,对外关系“经贸化”趋势进一步加强;防务开支大幅削减,CSDP前景更加困难.同时,欧盟在拓展与世界主要大国的战略伙伴关系、调整周边关系、提升国际接受度等方面也作出新的努力.欧元区经济发展的前景、国际结构性压力下的一体化、多重外交架构的竞争与协作等因素将共同塑造未来的欧盟外交.     

俄罗斯外交政策变化纪要

俄罗斯随着1993年12月的议会选举和1994年1月的政府改组,对外交政策进行了重大调整,由亲西方外交改为以西为主兼顾东方的“双头鹰”全方位外交。这使俄的国际地位有所改善。现将一年来俄外交改革的调整变化情况记述如下:     

鸠山政府外交政策分析

9月16日，以日本民主党党首鸠山由纪夫领导的新内阁成立。新内阁由来自民主党、社民党和国民新党的17名阁僚组成。新内阁是“建设紧密而对等的日美同盟关系”还是坚持“亲善”的外交战略？是真心“回归亚洲”，还是要走“日本的新道路”？中日两国是“臣服”关系，还是平等互惠关系？探讨日本外交政策，有利于我们认识日本新政权的外交走向，恰当估价日本的外交政策，制定相应的对策。     

Herbert Hoover,Anglo–American Relations and Republican Party Politics in the 1920s

Herbert Hoover is often portrayed as a business-centric relatively non-political historical figure. In particular during his time as Commerce Secretary in the administrations of Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge, Hoover is often described as supporting a United States foreign policy that first and foremost served the needs of American corporations. This article attempts to recalibrate that picture by stressing Hoover’s political self-interest as a motivating factor in his policies. Far from being politically unconcerned, Hoover was a man desperate to become president of the United States. His disastrous campaign for the Republican nomination in 1920 made him doubly determined to use his power in the Republican cabinets to improve his chances for the nomination later. This can be seen in one of the most famous of Hoover’s foreign policy interventions, the Anglo-American rubber crisis. Far from serving the needs of American business, during this crisis Hoover was acting mostly from political self-interest. In particular attacking the British allowed him to reframe his image, which was seen as Anglophiliac in 1920. In the end it was a very successful rebranding, as Hoover was able to run for the presidency in 1928 from a position of strength when it came to foreign affairs.     

No Return to the Past for Russia

Russian society is awakening and issues of domestic political and economic performance have come under closer scrutiny. To respond to the change, the Kremlin has moved to modify its method of governance – and strengthen its instruments of control – but there can be no return to the past. How the political process will evolve, and what the results will be, is impossible to predict, but the change will impact on Russia's domestic and foreign policies. In the meantime, Russia's international partners will have to deal with a familiar set of policies aimed at balancing between Moscow's real needs, its views of Russia's role and the opportunities which present themselves.     

Comte's Caveat: How We Misunderstand Terrorism

Since the end of the Cold War, and particularly since September 11, 2001, the U.S. Government has substantially misunderstood its circumstances and has launched policies based on a compound error that has made those circumstances worse. The error consists of three parts: thinking the United States had more usable power after the Cold War when it had less; misreading the sources of apocalyptical terrorism; and failing to correct its misreading because of a bias set deep in its own political culture. Seeing the situation and the problems as they really are would lead to vast changes in both foreign and homeland security policies.     

A Faustian bargain or just a good bargain? Chinese foreign direct investment and politics in Europe

This article explores the political challenges posed by the recent influx of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) into the European Union (EU), which has become in 2011 the top destination for Chinese investment in the world. The central political question facing European states welcoming the influx of Chinese capital is whether this is a good bargain—a positive-sum game where both investor and investee benefit—or instead a Faustian bargain—a zero-sum game in the long term where capital is accompanied by implicit conditionality affecting European norms and policies, from human rights to labor laws. The novelty of Chinese FDI has the potential to affect politics in Europe in three different venues: inside European countries, between European countries, and between Europe and third countries. This article, whose main goal is to launch a research agenda on the political implications of Chinese FDI, explores in turn its potential impact on foreign and domestic policy, institutional process within the EU, and transatlantic relations.     

Coalition politics and the making of Indian foreign policy: a new research program

ABSTRACT

Do Indian regional parties influence foreign policy and under which conditions? Some foreign policy studies have shown that certain coalition-building configurations have facilitated the inclusion of the concerns of small parties in the foreign policy debate. Other works have looked at the role of decentralization and federal power-arrangement in providing more control to political sub-units over the external affairs of a state. Those separate scholarships provide interesting insights to account for the multi-level nature of coalition-building in a federal and pluralistic polity like India. Bridging these two literatures, I argue that the interdependence of regional and national coalition building processes (visible in federal settings) create locked-in alliances between national parties and regional parties which affect foreign policymaking. In these contexts, India’s national parties have to, under certain conditions, take into account the preferences of regional parties when designing foreign policies. This article looks at the hypothesized causal mechanisms and expectations through two illustrative case studies of India’s foreign policy.     

驯服印尼激进民族主义——肯尼迪政府对印尼的政策（1961—1963年）

肯尼迪政府上台后调整了对印尼政策,在促成西伊利安争端和平解决之后,在印尼发起了新的一轮外交攻势,试图抓住当前美印(尼)关系的转机,通过经济手段加强印尼与西方联系的纽带,把印尼注意力由国际事务转向解决国内问题,以促进改造印尼民族主义,影响印尼政治构成和国内外政策的长远目标。这一时期,美国改造印尼民族主义的政策,英国维持在东南亚的势力与影响的目标,以及苏加诺在地区内部消除一切殖民主义残余的努力之间产生了错综复杂、难以调和的矛盾。印尼苏加诺政权对于来自美国的压力也不会轻易就范。肯尼迪政府的对印尼政策不免于以失望告终。     

柬埔寨对外经贸制度和政策研究

一、柬埔寨经贸概况柬埔寨对外贸易规模很小,出口商品和市场较为单一。自1993年王国政府成立以来,柬埔寨实行自由市场经济和对外开放政策,进出口总额不断增长。在此期间,由于以纺织服装业为主体的出口加工业的迅速发展,其出口额不断扩大,增速也快于进口,使得贸易逆差逐步缩小。2002年进出口总额为30.81亿美元,其中出口额为14.67亿美元,同比增长19.7%;进口为16.14亿美元,同比增长13.48 %。主要贸易伙伴为美国、欧盟、东盟、中国、韩国。在利用外资方面,根据柬埔寨投资委员会(CDC/CIB)统计,自1994年8月投资法颁布以来,截止2002年底,在柬投…     

Setting a Course: Congressional Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs In Post-World War II U.S. Foreign Policy

"Congressional foreign policy entrepreneurs" are those legislators who initiate their own foreign policy agendas. These individuals seek to frame policy discussions and mobilize public and interest group interest; to direct congressional agendas toward specific foreign policy issues; to structure and influence the formulation of foreign policies by the executive branch; to revise, refocus, or reformulate foreign policies; to generate alternative and replacement foreign policies; and to fill policy vacuums with their own preferred foreign policies. This paper examines the evolution and impact of such entrepreneurs across the periods of the Cold War Consensus (1946–1967), the Cold War Dissensus (1968–1989), and the Post-Cold War (1990–2000). The paper first provides an overview of the concept of foreign policy entrepreneurs. It then turns to case studies of entrepreneurial initiatives from three prolific entrepreneurs whose careers span the post-World War II era: Senators Jacob Javits, Edward Kennedy, and Christopher Dodd. Together, the overview and cases shed light on the different avenues and activities that entrepreneurs use to address their preferred issues and the impact entrepreneurs have on policy, as well as highlight changes in both over time.     

The belt and road initiative: domestic interests,bureaucratic politics and the EU-China relations

Asia Europe Journal - This article explores the linkages between domestic affairs and foreign policies in China in fulfilling its grand ambition of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It examines the...     

The European Union’s common foreign and security policy reforms and its implications for Northeast Asia

The European Union (EU) is at a turning point. With the bipolar order of the Cold War fast becoming a distant memory, the European Union must quickly establish itself on the global stage before it loses the opportunity to do so. With Northeast Asia fast emerging as a new economic giant and political center for world affairs, the EU must reform its Common Foreign and Security Policy in order to develop a reputation and image as a global actor of soft power, based on its long-standing values and peaceful diplomacy. However, despite major reforms in the Lisbon Treaty (2009), the EU has not been able to form cohesion amongst its members, thus hindering its progress in achieving such international recognition. This paper therefore analyses the reforms taken place so far and suggests further reforms that will build a strong foundation for a united and cohesive foreign policy. It will then look at how the reformed framework will allow the EU to establish itself as a global actor in political affairs, in particular in Northeast Asia.