Sovereignty Negotiations and Gibraltar's Military Facilities: How Two “Red-Line” Issues Became Three

The Brussels Agreement signed between Britain and Spain in 1984 aimed to resolve all aspects of the dispute over Gibraltar, including sovereignty, which dated back to the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. Desultory progress was made in negotiations until 2001, when the British Government decided to attempt to negotiate a joint sovereignty agreement. From the outset two non-negotiable (‘red-line’) issues on Britain's part were established: the agreement must be permanent, and it must be subject to a referendum in Gibraltar. As the negotiations progressed, a third ‘red-line’ issue emerged: Britain insisted on retaining control of Gibraltar's military facilities. The article explores how this third issue emerged and the possible reasons why it did so following 9/11.     

关于“十年一贡”的争论——19世纪末晚清政府在缅甸问题上与英国的交涉

1885年底英国占领缅甸后,中国与英国就缅甸问题进行了交涉.中国最后与英国达成了英国统治下的缅甸每届十年向中国进献方物的协议.但在英国巩固了对缅甸的占领之后,废除了这一协定.这一协定从确立到废止,反映了中、英双方世界秩序理论的差异.     

Civil Society and Peace Negotiations: Beyond the Inclusion–Exclusion Dichotomy

Civil society is generally seen as an important actor in peace processes. But when it comes to reaching an agreement during peace negotiations, much of the current debate is centered on the question of including or excluding civil society. Although most researchers argue that civil society participation makes the process more sustainable and democratic, most practitioners emphasize that enhanced civil society participation makes it more difficult to reach a peace agreement. I argue that practitioners and theorists must both move beyond this dichotomy and, instead, focus on the variety of ways in which civil society actors can be included in a given negotiation process. To this end, I present in this article a comprehensive overview of nine models of inclusion, from most to least direct involvement of civil society, supported by illustrative case studies. Analysis of these models suggests that it will be possible to broaden the participation of civil society in peace negotiations without decreasing the negotiations' effectiveness.     

英国与阿根廷的南极关系考察（1942-1961）

在20世纪中期,英国和阿根廷由于南极领土主权问题引发了两国在南极地区的冲突。到了20世纪50年代末,两国在南极事务中的关系逐渐从冲突走向合作,并与其他国家共同签订了维护南极和平与稳定的《南极条约》。两国在南极冲突的主要原因是这一时期由于经济关系的削弱和地缘政治上的角逐所导致的两国关系的恶化。之后两国从冲突走向合作,总体上是两国政治关系的改善以及美国与苏联因素的影响,还在于只有相互合作才能最大限度地维护两国的利益。两国在南极事务中的关系对之后的马岛战争、北极问题都产生了很大影响,而对中国的南极政策也有一定启示作用。     

Public Opinion as a Domestic Constraint in International Negotiations: Two-Level Games in the Anglo-Irish Peace Process

This article aims to broaden the theoretical foundations of the two-level games approach to understanding international negotiations by considering the conditions under which public opinion can act as a domestic constraint on the ability of international negotiators to reach agreement. In determining the role that public opinion plays, three factors are of central importance: (1) the preferences of the public relative to those of decision makers and other domestic constituents; (2) the intensity of the issue under negotiation; and (3) the power of the public to ratify a potential agreement. Evidence from the last decade of Anglo-Irish negotiations over the future and status of Northern Ireland shows that public opinion acts as a constraint on negotiators when the public has the power to directly ratify an international agreement. When the public's power to ratify an agreement is indirect, the intensity of the issue under negotiation will play a critical role in determining whether public preferences serve as a constraint on decision makers.     

Approaching peace in Patani,Southern Thailand—some anthropological considerations

This article analyzes ways of approaching peace building and peace negotiations in Patani. Choosing an anthropological approach, the article argues that participant observation helps identify indigenous, local peace instruments. Hence, the design of local sovereignty is the most important step to durable peace in internal conflicts. The Surayud government has identified the recommendations of the National Reconciliation Commission as guide-posts and has praised the peace agreement in Aceh as model to emulate. There is an opening for peace talks, in which the solution to historical and cultural grievances will be a key to peace.     

The Twin Peaks of Pyongyang

The United States has been negotiating with North Korea in an effort to have it renounce its nuclear program for over a decade, since Washington negotiated an Agreed Framework in 1994. In this time, North Korea has only amassed more plutonium. The negotiations are hindered by mutual distrust and hostility, but it is doubtful whether any change in Washington's attitude toward the dprk would help solve the nuclear issue. It is the Kim regime that is the core problem. Until the regime is removed, there can be no durable peace in the region. This article suggests that with the prospect for a negotiated resolution of the nuclear issue remote, and since any attempt to remove the Kim regime militarily would entail huge costs, Washington might consider a third option: directly engaging the North Korean people.     

刍议开发黑瞎子岛

2004年，《中俄国界东段的补充协议》的签订，使我国收回了半个黑瞎子岛的主权。目前，黑瞎子岛独特的地理位置使得许多国家和地区对开发黑瞎子岛表示出极大的兴趣。因此，采取何种方式开发和怎样开发黑瞎子岛已成为备受各界关注的热点问题。     

菲律宾政治集团在南海问题上的共识、分歧及成因

菲律宾国内各政治集团对菲律宾南海政策的制定产生程度不一的影响。基于维护本国利益的国家本位意识和立场,菲律宾各政治集团在南海问题上的共识有:坚持菲律宾所占据的南海岛礁的“主权”;要求以《联合国海洋法公约》为依据来解决南海争端;坚持南海仲裁“裁决”,等等。而硬实力的不足、美国安全承诺的不确定、中国在南海问题上的克制与和平立场以及菲律宾民情等因素导致菲律宾各政治集团在一定程度上达成通过和平方式解决南海问题的共识。除了对策略手段运用的不同理解导致的分歧,菲律宾各政治集团在南海问题上的分歧主要体现在对于菲美同盟及菲美双边军事协议存在着认同与强烈反对的不同声音,其深层原因来自于要求独立自主的反美民族主义与菲律宾国家安全需要之间的矛盾。菲律宾后续仍可能试图以南海“仲裁”结果对中国进行“软”抗争;菲美军事安全合作仍有强化的可能;中菲南海双边谈判以及共同开发协议有可能会随着菲律宾国内政治形势的变动而受到影响,存在较大变数。     

Running with the Hare,Hunting with the Hounds: The Special Relationship,Reagan's Cold War and the Falklands Conflict

This article reconsiders the negotiations between the United States and Britain at the outbreak of the 1982 Falklands War. The Reagan Administration did not support Britain, its staunchest NATO ally, and on the contrary assumed an even-handed position that recognised Argentina as a key ally as much as Britain. Not only did American mediation fail; it also caused a major crisis in Anglo-American relations. The underlying reason for the American decision was the obsessive importance that the Administration attached to fighting communism in Latin America after establishing covert co-operation with the Argentinian military junta in 1981.     

Towards a new European Taiwan policy? Some preliminary reflexions

  The so-called `Taiwan question' remains to be one of the most serious security issues in international politics. Although economic integration and cultural–scientific exchange between Taiwan and the Chinese mainland are intensifying, a future military conflict between the two sides can't be ruled out. The main obstacle for cross-Strait détente is the problem of Taiwanese sovereignty. This article argues that bilateral negotiations can't be brought back on track if they are not based on a conceptual framework that tackles Taiwanese sovereignty instead of avoiding it. By discussing some paradigmatic proposals made in recent years, it is held that the European experience of voluntary integration might serve as a suitable blueprint for a peaceful solution of the `Taiwan question'. The article pleads for a new EU Taiwan policy that is based on the promotion of integration between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. This policy should be actively pursued in all relevant international fora, especially in the context of ASEM and the EU-China summits.     

Food sovereignty and agro-ecology in Karnataka: interplay of discourses,identities, and practices

Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha (KRRS), a farmers’ movement, and a member of La Via Campesina, has been encouraging zero-budget natural farming in Karnataka, India, within the framework of food sovereignty and agro-ecology. Using the experiences of KRRS, this article addresses the question of the extent of pluralism within the discourse of food sovereignty. Focusing on the interplay of local and global practices, discourses and identities, the article throws light upon contradictions and negotiations between “necessary abstractions” and “particularisms”, spaces and places of resistance and implications it may have on struggles at both local and global levels.     

马英九关于钓鱼岛问题的学术见解

马英九的学术研究中认为钓鱼岛的主权争议在于东海资源上,据此马英九根据海洋法的规定并辅以国际案例作为比较,强调钓鱼岛不应享有大陆礁层及专属经济区,以及钓鱼岛主权问题与东海海床划界问题可以分割,主要就是为了将钓鱼岛问题有层次地切割后分别解决。马英九对钓鱼岛问题的主要态度,就是"主权在我、搁置争议、和平互惠、共同开发"。实际上,就是在海洋法的精神理念中,能够在和平的前提之下共同使用、共享资源。     

The Unintended Consequences of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Negotiations

ABSTRACT

Although stalled since 2016, the negotiations on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) have had major unintended consequences. The TTIP led to demands from third countries to upgrade their trade relationship with the EU and to unprecedented politicisation. As second-order effects of the latter, it endangered the EU-Canada trade agreement and brought about reform of EU trade governance and amendments to EU trade policy positions. These unintended consequences occurred because of inflated expectations about and insufficient awareness of the different nature of TTIP with regard to scope and partner compared to other trade negotiations. In the meantime, EU trade policy has adapted to the new politics of trade, making unintended consequences less likely.     

The Limited Test–Ban Agreement: Emergence of New Knowledge Structures in International Negotiation

An analysis of cognitive maps constructed from exchanges between President Kennedy and Premier Khrushchev on the test–ban issue suggests cultural differences in the basic knowledge structures used to represent political reality. Soviet negotiators, including Premier Khrushchev, use"processual"representations, while U.S. negotiators, including President Kennedy, use"procedural"representations. A comparison of the negotiations over time reveals the emergence of new knowledge structures that were hypothesized to facilitate an agreement on nuclear testing. A related discovery, that Kennedy and Khrushchev"translate"each other from procedural to processual and vice versa, provides additional evidence for the shared reality–building process that may be a precondition for successful negotiation.     

Getting to Wye

Using the recent Wye Memorandum negotiations between Israelis andPalestinians as a case example, the author applies a framework foranalyzing momentum-building processes previously presented in the July 1998issue of this journal. Focusing on the impact of action-forcing events, heexamines the factors that led the parties to come to the table at Wye andto make the hard choices necessary to reach agreement. The Wye exampleillustrates that action-forcing events can both help to build momentum anderect additional barriers to agreement.     

My Experiences of the Region during the Last Century - with Particular Reference to Sino-British Relations

The author describes his early diplomatic experiences as a Chinese language student during the Cultural Revolution, followed by his first posting to Peking. Hong Kong was then a major issue between China and Britain. He examines the tensions and difficulties of those years and the first signs of better days ahead. He details his involvement in the upgrading of diplomatic relations, and the first ministerial exchanges. His final overseas posting was to Hong Kong, first to head the Trade Commission, and then, importantly, to manage the final four years of detailed negotiations with China over the handover.     

My Experiences of the Region during the Last Century – with Particular Reference to Sino-British Relations

The author describes his early diplomatic experiences as a Chinese language student during the Cultural Revolution, followed by his first posting to Peking. Hong Kong was then a major issue between China and Britain. He examines the tensions and difficulties of those years and the first signs of better days ahead. He details his involvement in the upgrading of diplomatic relations, and the first ministerial exchanges. His final overseas posting was to Hong Kong, first to head the Trade Commission, and then, importantly, to manage the final four years of detailed negotiations with China over the handover.     

Framing hostage negotiations: analysing the discourse of the US government and the Islamic State

Since August 2014, there has been a marked increase in the violence perpetrated by the Islamic State against Western hostages. Videos released by the Islamic State depicting the brutal executions of hostages have been circulated widely on social media. This has prompted a dialogue about governments’ policies regarding negotiation with terrorist organisations to secure the release of their citizens held overseas. The United States and Britain, two non-negotiating countries, have faced significant criticism for this policy, which has led to the beheadings of several American and British citizens. This article analyses the discourse of two spokesmen – White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest, and British hostage John Cantlie – in framing the issue of hostage negotiations on behalf of their organisations. A grounded theory approach informed by framing analysis is utilised in order to identify dominant discourses employed in White House press briefings and John Cantlie’s videos and articles. This article concludes that, through the deliberate use of discourse, the US government and the Islamic State shape public perception of hostage negotiations in pursuit of distinct policy goals.     

Managing the conceptual gap on sovereignty in China–EU relations

While, historically, sovereignty is what Europeans invented and what the Chinese were forced to accept, today it is what Europeans try to bury and what the Chinese hold dear. A conceptual gap on sovereignty clearly exists between China and Europe which more often than not exerts a negative impact on their relationship. It breeds misunderstandings and disputes, makes it more difficult to reach agreements on many bilateral issues, and complicates China–Europe cooperation in third countries. But the conceptual gap on sovereignty does not prevent China and Europe from building a strategic partnership. Given that strengthening or weakening national sovereignty means totally different things to China and Europe, the two parties should jointly and proactively manage their divergence on sovereignty issues by mutual avoidance, mutual assurance, and mutual accommodation, in order to unlock sovereignty-related impasses in China–Europe relations.