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1.
《学理论》2020,(4)
简政放权、放管结合、优化服务协同推进,继续深化"放管服"改革是营商环境法治化的关键环节。当前黑龙江省优化营商环境已取得一定的阶段性成果,但总体情况并不乐观,仍然存在政府与市场角色定位偏差,简政放权明放暗不放、一放了之"、放"的含金量、协同度不高,服务理念和方式滞后等一系列问题。"放管服"改革不到位已经成为制约营商环境法治化的关键节点。本文针对上述问题进行了系统全面的分析,并提出相应的完善对策,以期以黑龙江省深化"放管服"改革为切入点,为东北地区营商环境法治化建设提供一定的参考,助力东北地区优化营商环境,激发企业投资热情和发展活力,为东北地区全面振兴、全方位振兴保驾护航。  相似文献   

2.
从整体上探讨"放管服"改革推进营商环境优化的内在逻辑,具有重要的理论和现实意义。基于扎根理论的研究方法,对"放管服"改革推进营商环境优化的相关政策文本进行质性分析发现:"放管服"改革推进营商环境优化总体遵循"技术赋能—权力规制—制度供给"的逻辑框架,即以权力规制为中轴,包括改革行政审批制度与强化营商主体责任两个方面;以技术赋能、制度供给为两翼,包括提升政务服务效率、增强监管执法创新、推进商事制度改革、加强营商法规供给、增加公共服务供给、保护市场主体权益等六个方面,共同推动营商环境优化目标的实现。三者的关系逻辑为:通过技术赋能突破权力规制的阻力与障碍,促使政府清权、减权、放权落到实处;通过制度供给规范和约束政府的权力,奠定和巩固权力规制的基础,防止和避免规制的"内卷化";技术赋能与制度供给之间则互为重塑与保障。这一研究为地方政府开展"放管服"改革推进营商环境优化的实践提供了参考模板。  相似文献   

3.
党的十九大报告指出,要"深化简政放权,创新监管方式,增强政府公信力和执行力,建设人民满意的服务型政府"。这是大庆市推进"放管服"改革的基本方向。以"放管服"改革的内涵与重要意义为切入点,分析大庆市"放管服"改革现状及面临的挑战,提出大庆市"放管服"改革的主要着力点。  相似文献   

4.
马奇柯 《瞭望》2022,(3):60-61
市场经济需要公平竞争的环境.在法治环境下,有利于形成公平竞争的规则,保障各类经济活动良性运行.法治是最好的营商环境,有利于规范政府与市场的界限,督促政府以市场主体需求为导向,深化"放管服"改革,积极营造平等公正、充分竞争的市场环境,调动市场主体主动性、创造性,实现有效市场与有为政府的良性互动.  相似文献   

5.
营商环境是市场主体赖以生存发展的基础,是其在市场经济活动中所涉及的体制机制性因素和条件。优化营商环境是一项综合性系统工程,近年来我国在营商环境的便利化、法治化、国际化方面取得了显著成就。但对标国际先进水平,我国仍需在市场主体保护、市场环境、政务服务、监管执法、法治保障等方面持续提升,以进一步营造全域性国际一流的营商环境。  相似文献   

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在理论上,营商环境数字化转型的可行性与必要性,推动形成其生成逻辑。从可行性来看,数字化转型的“用户中心”和“创新”特征能够与营商环境的建设理念相融合;从必要性来看,优化营商环境所需的合作治理与整体治理的实现越来越有赖于数字技术对企业的赋权功能和对政府的赋能功能。在实践中,营商环境的数字化转型应当坚持法治化原则,以法律规则的价值理性调和技术规则的工具理性,并彰显转型的理念与方法;应当服务于营商环境建设的固有目标,促进便利化、市场化、国际化营商环境的发展;应当以数字法治政府建设为重心,提高政府对市场主体的服务质量和监管效能。  相似文献   

7.
《学理论》2019,(12)
党的十九大报告提出,转变政府职能,深化简政放权,创新监管方式,增强政府公信力和执行力,建设人民满意的服务型政府。"放管服"改革事关政府自身变革,是国家层面的顶层设计,各级政府理应落在实处。天津市认真贯彻落实党的十九大精神,继续深化"放管服"改革,在天津实践中取得了减少行政审批、加强市场监管、优化公共服务的骄人成绩,这些成绩进一步释放了改革红利,提高了人民群众获得感。  相似文献   

8.
两种政府模式下的“放管服”改革比较   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
《行政论坛》2019,(6):42-48
从管制型政府与服务型政府的比较视角对"放管服"改革进行分析,有助于澄清"放管服"改革的价值导向和目标要求。以"理念定位—组织安排—方式(工具)选择"为逻辑主线,对管制型政府和服务型政府两种模式下的简政放权、放管结合、优化服务给予理论比较,并运用该比较框架对地方"放管服"改革的实践效果进行诊断。研究结论表明:当前"放管服"改革总体效果较好,与建设服务型政府的目标要求较为一致,但仍存在诸如改革的效率主义取向,重形式轻实质,简政放权、放管结合、优化服务等三者不协同等问题,亟须对管制型政府与服务型政府导向下的"放管服"改革给予理论甄别,明晰"放管服"改革应自觉秉持服务型政府价值导向。亦即,既要以服务型政府引领"放管服"改革的进程,促进减权、清权、确权落到实处,政府事中事后监管得当有力,公共服务能力加速提升,又要以"放管服"改革倒逼服务型政府建设,突破政府自身改革的阻力与困境,着力塑造公民本位、社会本位、市场本位、权利本位的现代政府管理理念。  相似文献   

9.
政府治理现代化是现代化整体性变迁进程的重要组成部分,是国家治理现代化的一个最为重要的子系统。"放管服"改革是助推政府治理改革的重要内容,是推进政府治理现代化的重要抓手。"放管服"改革是一场牵一发而动全身的深刻变革,如何深入推进并取得实效就成为一个必须审慎思考的重大课题。我们应以政府治理现代化为指导,推进"放管服"改革理念创新,构建科学化新型监管机制,积极培育社会组织,遏制并祛除部门利益是深化"放管服"改革的恰切之道。  相似文献   

10.
"放管服"改革将政府职能转变具化为放权、监管和服务三个维度,是推进政府治理体系和治理能力现代化的长期性、持续性的战略议题。通过"战略-结构-绩效"范式分析"放管服"改革历程,发现创新政府绩效管理模式是协同推进"放管服"改革的必然选择。结合各地实践,建立"四个人民"绩效管理理论和以公共价值为基础、以战略为导向的绩效管理三角-环圈模型,尝试构建协同化绩效管理体系、科学设置综合化绩效管理指标、运用数据化绩效管理手段,旨在为深化"放管服"改革探寻新的发展理念、制度安排和优化路径。  相似文献   

11.
Congress regularly passes significant laws. Some of these laws continue in their initial form, with the original bargain struck by the enacting coalition untouched by any future laws; others are changed—strengthened or weakened—soon after passage. What accounts for this variation in the stability of laws, in the longevity of the original legislative agreement? We contend that political conditions at the time of enactment—in particular, the existence of divided government and the level of ideological disagreement between the House and Senate—influence the likelihood that a law will be amended. We demonstrate that laws originally crafted by diverse political coalitions are less durable than those crafted by strong, unified coalitions, which are in a position to entrench their preferred policies and protect them from future change. Furthermore, we show that the probability of a law being amended is affected by future political conditions, the actions of the judiciary, and factors specific to the law.  相似文献   

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In this study, I use a computerized experiment to test whether elected officials differ from everyday citizens in how they use information to make political choices. Ninety state and local level elected officials took part in the study, as did 179 adults from the general population. I tracked participants’ information use as they attempted to solve two hypothetical public policy problems. The data show that while elected officials differ from everyday citizens in their demographics and in the consistency of their political views, these groups did not differ systematically in their depth of information search, their proclivity to compare choice alternatives, or their depth of information processing. These findings held across two different public policy scenarios, controlling for differences in political knowledge, education, and elective experience. In addition to opening a new methodological frontier for the study of political elites, these results accelerate an ongoing debate between Burkeian paternalists and advocates of a more populist democracy.  相似文献   

16.
This paper examines the processes through which a neo-liberal agenda is broadened and entrenched through time. The case study focuses on a federal immigration policy in Canada in the 1980s, which encouraged the rapid entry of wealthy entrepreneurs and investors from Hong Kong. One of the many impacts of the arrival of this Chinese business élite in British Columbia was the rapid growth of a key volunteer organization in Vancouver dedicated to social service provisioning for immigrants. With the donations and volunteerism of the new Chinese arrivals, this organization grew from a small, narrowly focused social service institution, to one of the largest and most extensive providers in the lower Mainland, supplying numerous goods and services formerly controlled primarily by the province and the federal government. As a result of the actions of this voluntary organization, a type of interstitial organization that some scholars have termed under the rubric, 'the shadow state', conservative politicians in the 1980s were able to roll back many welfare state programmes in British Columbia without a corresponding loss of legitimacy occurring from the immediate truncation of services. The Business Immigration Programme thus aided in the entrenchment of a neo-liberal agenda both through the increased circulation of capital and articulation with Asian networks, and also through the devolution of direct welfare-state governance. I argue that this immigration programme thus represents one good example of the multiple ways that seemingly simple policy shifts can have much broader effects, and can entrench neo-liberal policy socially,culturally and institutionally as well as economically.  相似文献   

17.
This article compares the types of knowledge democracy and the market require to rationally allocate resources. I argue that high levels of public ignorance and voters’ inability to compare the effects of different parties’ policies make it difficult for parties and elections to rationally allocate resources. Markets mitigate these problems because the simultaneous existence of multiple firms’ products facilitates comparisons that mimic the conditions of scientific experimentation. The economy of knowledge involved in such comparisons indicates there are epistemic advantages to using firms and markets, instead of political parties and elections, to allocate scarce resources. However, in contrast to arguments that markets merely provide better information than political decisions, I argue markets’ epistemic advantages are derived from the way they facilitate comparisons that minimize decision makers’ need for knowledge or understanding.  相似文献   

18.
Steven Grosby 《Society》2013,50(3):301-310
This article offers a re-evaluation of Max Weber’s analyses of both the disenchantment of the world and the origins of capitalism.  相似文献   

19.
This essay investigates the centrality of the U.S. Military in the process of automating the labor of surveillance. The creation of Semi-Automatic Ground Environment (SAGE), an anti-nuclear defense system developed in the 1950s, marked the computerization of the perceptual, mnemonic, and epistemological labor that is necessary for surveillance and is emblematic of screening technologies. The essay situates SAGE in a long history of military surveillance that depended upon media technologies. Building upon the work of Michel Foucault and Freidrich Kittler, it is argued that media are essential for understanding how surveillance is problematized for security.  相似文献   

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