共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Kevin Arceneaux 《Political Behavior》2008,30(2):139-160
When evaluating political candidates, citizens can draw on partisan stereotypes and use partisan cues to make inferences about
the candidates’ issue positions without undertaking a costly information search. As long as candidates adopt policy positions
that are congruent with partisan stereotypes, partisan cues can help citizens make an accurate voting decision with limited
information. However, if candidates take counter-stereotypical positions, it is incumbent upon citizens to recognize it and
adjust their evaluations accordingly. Using the dual-processing framework, I hypothesize about the conditions under which
individuals reduce their reliance on partisan cues and scrutinize counter-stereotypical messages, and test these hypotheses
with experimental data collected from a nationally representative sample of adults. The findings show that whether individuals
punish a candidate from their party for taking a counter-stereotypical position is contingent on the salience of the issue
and the political awareness of the message recipient. The article concludes with a discussion of the theoretical and normative
implications of these findings.
相似文献
Kevin ArceneauxEmail: |
2.
Frank Furedi 《Society》2009,46(3):235-236
This essay questions Callahan’s criticism of people’s aspiration to extend their life. It argues that ideas about life are
subject to historical variations and the question at issue is whether society can give meaning to aging. It also questions
the claim that the radical extension of human life will jeopardize the welfare of future generations. It suggests that the
application of the precautionary principle to the question of aging avoid facing up to question how society should value the
old.
相似文献
Frank FurediEmail: |
3.
According to many theoretical accounts of the vote choice, distal determinants (e.g., party identification) influence proximal
determinants (e.g., perceptions of candidates), which in turn shape candidate preferences. Yet almost no research on voting
has formally tested such mediational hypotheses. Using national survey data collected between February and September of 2004,
this paper begins by illustrating how to conduct such investigations. We explored whether public approval of President Bush’s
handling of a series of specific national problems (e.g., the Iraq war) influenced overall assessments of his job performance
and evaluations of his likely future performance versus John Kerry’s, which in turn shaped vote choices. The results are consistent
with the claim of mediation and shed additional light on the impact of various issues on the 2004 election outcome. We also
tested what we term the “dosage hypothesis,” derived from news media priming theory, which posits that changes in the amount
of media coverage of an issue during the course of a campaign should precipitate changes in the weight citizens place on that
issue when evaluating the president’s overall job performance, particularly among citizens most exposed to the news. Surprisingly,
this analysis did not yield consistent support for the venerable dosage hypothesis, suggesting that the conditions under which
priming occurs should be specified much more precisely in future work.
相似文献
Jon A. KrosnickEmail: |
4.
Well over $1 billion was spent on televised political advertising in the U.S. in 2004. Given the ubiquity of the 30 second
spot, one might presume that ads must affect viewers’ vote choices. Somewhat surprisingly, though, scholars have yet to make
much progress in confirming this claim. In this paper, we leverage a comprehensive dataset that tracks political ads in the
nation’s top media markets and a survey of presidential and U.S. Senate voters in 2004. We ask whether exposure to presidential
and Senate advertising influences voters’ evaluations of candidates and the choices that they make at the ballot box. In the
end, we find considerable evidence that advertising persuades—and that its impact varies depending on the characteristics
of the viewer.
相似文献
Travis N. RidoutEmail: |
5.
Cheryl Boudreau 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):287-306
Many scholars lament citizens’ lack of political sophistication, while others emphasize that information shortcuts can substitute
for sophistication and help citizens with their political choices. In this paper, I use experiments to assess whether and
under what conditions institutions can substitute for sophistication and enable even unsophisticated citizens to make informed
decisions. The results of my experiments demonstrate that institutions, such as a penalty for lying or a threat of verification,
can help both sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens to make more informed decisions. Further, my results suggest that
institutions may, under certain conditions, level the playing field between sophisticated and unsophisticated citizens.
相似文献
Cheryl BoudreauEmail: |
6.
Cindy D. Kam 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):343-367
Citizens are asked to make many judgments in politics, often in the face of scarce information and limited motivation. In
making political judgments, citizens may rely upon a variety of cues, including the partisanship, ethnicity, race, or sex
of candidates. Some cues, however, are more democratically troublesome than others. Democratic norms of equality suggest that
attitudes towards racial or ethnic groups should not influence citizens’ evaluations of candidates. Often, however, attitudes
towards these groups do matter. This article identifies a limiting condition on the effect of group attitudes: the presence
of a party cue. I demonstrate that attitudes towards Hispanics influence willingness to support a Hispanic candidate, but
only in the absence of a party cue. The article also contributes to existing work by analyzing both explicit and implicit
measures of attitudes towards groups. Explicit measures include stereotypes and feeling thermometers; implicit measures are
derived from a subliminal priming task. Subjects with positive attitudes towards Hispanics (whether these attitudes were measured
implicitly or explicitly) were more likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. Subjects with
negative attitudes towards Hispanics were less likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. The
presence of party cues, however, eliminates the impact of attitudes towards Hispanics on political choice.
相似文献
Cindy D. KamEmail: |
7.
Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):219-238
In this paper, I explore the formation of human rights attitudes among what I call the “silent majority” in the post-communist
countries of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. This is the large, diverse group of people never directly confronted
with harsh methods of repression under communism. I argue here that the foundations for conceptualizing human rights are based
on the degree and saliency of exposure to rights violations and that, for many citizens of Central and Eastern Europe, life
behind the “iron curtain” is associated with relatively fewer rights violations than life after the iron curtain’s fall. Comparative
personal experiences will play a key role in explaining how these citizens conceptualize human rights. I test this argument
by applying it to the cases of Poland, where I conducted a total of 68 randomly selected non-elite interviews in an effort
to probe for key factors defining individuals’ conceptions of human rights.
相似文献
Brian GrodskyEmail: |
8.
Media Use and Political Predispositions: Revisiting the Concept of Selective Exposure 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
Natalie Jomini Stroud 《Political Behavior》2008,30(3):341-366
Today, people have ample opportunity to engage in selective exposure, the selection of information matching their beliefs.
Whether this is occurring, however, is a matter of debate. While some worry that people increasingly are seeking out likeminded
views, others propose that newer media provide an increased opportunity for exposure to diverse views. In returning to the
concept of selective exposure, this article argues that certain topics, such as politics, are more likely to inspire selective
exposure and that research should investigate habitual media exposure patterns, as opposed to single exposure decisions. This
study investigates whether different media types (newspapers, political talk radio, cable news, and Internet) are more likely
to inspire selective exposure. Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, evidence supports the idea that
people’s political beliefs are related to their media exposure—a pattern that persists across media types. Over-time analyses
suggest that people’s political beliefs motivate their media use patterns and that cable news audiences became increasingly
politically divided over the course of the 2004 election.
相似文献
Natalie Jomini StroudEmail: |
9.
Oxendine Alina Sullivan John L. Borgida Eugene Riedel Eric Jackson Melinda Dial Jessica 《Political Behavior》2007,29(1):31-67
We contend that political context is important to consider when analyzing social capital and that context has an important
but neglected impact on understanding the consequences of civic activity. Our focus is on the influence of rural, local leadership
in two Minnesota communities and policies that these elites have developed to bring Internet connectivity to their citizens.
One city developed a community electronic network and the other opted for an individualistic, entrepreneurial approach to
information technology. Using a quasi-experimental research design and four-wave panel data, we find that elite policy approaches
interact with civic activity to predict technology use among citizens, even long after the policies’ initial implementation.
In the city with a community network, residents who are integrated into civic life are able to harness these political resources
to become more technologically sophisticated.
相似文献
Alina OxendineEmail: |
10.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
相似文献
Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
11.
Over the past few decades, a gender gap has emerged in the mass public in ideological self-placement. While most men and women
moved in the conservative direction, another segment of women retained their liberal self-identifications. A gender gap also
exists in how men and women define their ideology. Which issues are linked to ideological identities is conditioned by gender
and time period. Finally, ideological identities are structure by nonpolitical values as well as political issues. Religiosity
and religious beliefs have come to increasingly shape Americans’ ideological identities, with some differences across the
two sexes.
相似文献
Clyde WilcoxEmail: |
12.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
相似文献
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
13.
Caroline Joan ?Picart 《Human Rights Review》2007,8(3):221-228
Derrick Bell’s work challenges the dichotomy that separates legitimate legal reasoning from “mere” fiction through hybrids
that play across science fiction, Platonic dialogue, and autobiography. Despite its merits, I argue that Bell’s position reifies
and strengthens, rather than deconstructs, structures of tyranny; it maintains the problematic rhetorical construction of
United States race relations in terms of the black–white divide, either alienating, or leaving little or no room for other
racial groups constructively to revise power and identity. In contrast, bell hooks’, Mari Matsuda’s and Robert Chang’s work,
though tentatively sketched, construes current race and gender relations in terms of a chiaroscuro of power, rather than a
simple dichotomy.
相似文献
Caroline Joan (Kay) PicartEmail: |
14.
Richard Nunan 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):537-541
Consequentialist cosmopolitanism, Peter Higgins argues, enables closed border liberals to evade charges of moral hypocrisy
despite their commitment to moral equality of individuals, once we recognize that open border arguments rely on cosmopolitanism’s
individualism requirement, which ignores social realities relevant to a realistic assessment of the social consequences of
an open immigration policy. Higgins is mistaken, however, in contending that cosmopolitan individualism entails attention
to people only in their capacity as the abstract atomic individuals populating Charles Mills’ idealized social ontologies.
Conversely, if cosmopolitan individualism does compel us to think of people as abstract atomic individuals, we are not obliged
to think of them as relatively privileged. Under liberal cosmopolitanism, however, which prohibits state discrimination between
citizens and non-citizens, open border policies are subject to no such consequentialist objections.
相似文献
Richard NunanEmail: |
15.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
16.
Daniel Chirot 《Society》2008,45(5):425-428
The next president of the USA will surely correct some of the Bush administration’s most egregious policy errors, particularly
its gross insensitivity to the rest of the world’s opinions and its extreme bellicosity. To restore trust in American, and
to strengthen national security, better diplomacy will be necessary. Strengthening a demoralized and nearly dysfunctional
State Department by acknowledging the vital role foreign area experts must play will have to be a major part of the new administration’s
policy.
相似文献
Daniel ChirotEmail: |
17.
Robert Dingwall 《Society》2009,46(3):247-249
‘Social precognition’ is the forerunner of new developments in science and technology such as extended life or immortality.
While life-extension may have been neglected by philosophers or social scientists, it has been explored in depth by creative
writers. They underline the threat of new kinds of inequality and of the conservatism of a society that protects the interests
of the long-lived. They also question the quality of a longer life as likely to be lonely and empty rather than wise, peaceful
and fulfilled.
相似文献
Robert DingwallEmail: |
18.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
相似文献
George CrowderEmail: |
19.
Marc Bühlmann Wolfgang Merkel Lisa Müller Bernhard Weßels 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):114-122
Ohne Zusammenfassung
* Die vier Autor(inn)en arbeiten in einem gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des NCCR Democracy (vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds
finanziertes National Centre of Competence in Research: Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century) und des WZB an einem „Demokratiebarometer“ für die 30 OECD-Staaten, das die Ignoranz der 0-Varianz bei Polity und Freedom House aufkl?ren will.
相似文献
Marc Bühlmann (Corresponding author)Email: |
Wolfgang MerkelEmail: |
Lisa MüllerEmail: |
Bernhard We?elsEmail: |
20.
Ryan L. Claassen 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):369-390
To date, most models of policy motivated campaign participation claim participation derives from the intensity or extremism
of one’s policy views. I approach the policy motivation differently, generalizing the logic of proximity voting to model policy
motivated campaign participation. Modeling participation as a function of extremism captures the activist’s policy preferences
and suggests those with strong preferences participate more, while modeling participation as a function of proximity captures
both the activist’s policy preferences and the relevant comparisons to the positions of the candidates. Noting the two alternatives
lead to different predictions about variation in individual participation beyond turnout (e.g. campaign activities), I find
consistent support for a proximity model of activism and I find no independent effect of extremism once I control for proximity.
Moreover, the proximity model’s predictions about ideological responsiveness to changes in the candidates’ locations over
time prove robust, while predictions based solely on ideological extremism do not.
相似文献
Ryan L. ClaassenEmail: |