共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Mark N. Katz 《Society》2008,45(2):177-180
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.
相似文献
Mark N. KatzEmail: |
2.
This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred
to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion
is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing
the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives
for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming
that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human
rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should
pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.
相似文献
A. Cooper DruryEmail: |
3.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
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Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
4.
Robert Carle 《Society》2008,45(2):181-190
In the 1980s, Britain’s Labour Party promoted a system of race-relations that envisioned Britain as a collection of discrete
cultures with equal status. This multicultural model for organizing society conflicted with traditional British notions of
a unified national culture, with an assimilationist model of immigrant incorporation. Today, the Labour Party’s relationship
with Islamists is sharply dividing Labour’s “rainbow” constituency. Whereas the horrific events of 9/11 and 7/7 have led many
Labour leaders to replace its defense of multiculturalism with Tory-sounding calls for immigrant assimilation, other Labour
leaders are working harder than ever to accommodate their Muslim constituents.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
5.
Frank Furedi 《Society》2009,46(3):235-236
This essay questions Callahan’s criticism of people’s aspiration to extend their life. It argues that ideas about life are
subject to historical variations and the question at issue is whether society can give meaning to aging. It also questions
the claim that the radical extension of human life will jeopardize the welfare of future generations. It suggests that the
application of the precautionary principle to the question of aging avoid facing up to question how society should value the
old.
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Frank FurediEmail: |
6.
Maria McAlpin 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(1):51-69
General assessments of ecotourism and community-led development offer conflicting views of these strategies’ potential. Appraisals
of successful projects add to the available knowledge that policy makers can use to improve decision-making. The Mapu Lahual
Network of Indigenous Parks (RML), an ecotourism development and conservation project in the 10th Region of southern Chile,
covers 45,000 ha within the territories of eight indigenous communities, in a part of southern Chile that national and international
conservation organizations consider a high priority for ecological conservation. Elected leaders of the indigenous communities
established the RML in 2000 with technical assistance from public agencies and financial assistance from national and environmental
organizations. The RML’s primary purpose is to increase and diversify per-capita incomes in a way that preserves the area’s
environment and culture by establishing tourism based on a system of parks, trails, campgrounds, and local services. This
paper appraises the RML with respect to the common interest of the relevant local, national, and international communities.
The policy sciences provide a contextual basis for practical recommendations that will help participants build on the project’s
strengths and correct its weaknesses. The RML initiative provides a model of a development process that has been constructively
supported by members of public agencies and conservation organizations. The strategies employed in the RML could be diffused
and adapted in other contexts.
相似文献
Maria McAlpinEmail: |
7.
Jane Freedman 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):413-433
Criticisms have been made against international laws and conventions on asylum and refugees, arguing that these have been
based on a male model of definition, which have ignored women’s persecutions. This article will argue that recent developments
in European asylum policy have the potential to deepen this discrimination and to further reduce the rights of female asylum
seekers. Although there have been some positive developments in jurisprudence that have recognised that gender-specific persecution
may be the basis for granting asylum, these advances remain relatively sporadic and are undermined by the operation of random
and discretionary exercises of power by bureaucrats and decision makers in many cases. Further, although new developments
in asylum policy are in theory “gender neutral,” differences in the material circumstances of men and women who arrive to
seek asylum may mean in effect that the implications of these policies are deeply gendered.
相似文献
Jane FreedmanEmail: |
8.
In Spring 2007 as part of its ongoing anticorruption efforts, the PRC announced the establishment of a new organization called
the “National Corruption Prevention Bureau” (NCPB). The article first examines the origins of the NCPB and its position in
the current Chinese anticorruption regime. The NCPB will concentrate primarily on information collection and coordination
work. Given these goals, This article examines the organization’s potential for improving work in three areas related to information
collection and coordination; increased oversight of the private sector, improving information quality and dissemination, and
strengthening routine anticorruption activities. The final section examines potential problems that will likely limit the
ability of this new organization to improve anticorruption work, such as the possibility of increasing complexity within the
anticorruption system, and the NCPB’s limited independence from the agencies it seeks to coordinate.
相似文献
Jeffrey BeckerEmail: |
9.
Xufeng Zhu 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(4):315-334
Studies of policy entrepreneurs have become a staple of public policy research. Very few such studies deal with the circumstances
of China. This paper aims to remedy this oversight by exploring the mechanisms of policy change in China. Using John Kingdon’s
Multiple Streams (MS) Model, the author develops the “Technical Infeasibility Model.” The paper tests the MS model’s applicability
to China by examining strategies put forth by Chinese policy entrepreneurs in the third sector. It considers how they may
successfully promote change by using a strategy of proposing a relatively radical policy concept that is politically acceptable
and technically infeasible to policy makers. To illustrate such a strategy, this paper considers a case of policy change involving
Chinese urban vagrants. The policy on “Detention and Repatriation,” which was first implemented in 1982, was challenged following
the Sun Zhigang Incident in March 2003. Shortly thereafter law scholars filed two suggestion letters to the National People’s
Congress Standing Committee calling for a constitutionality review of the Detention and Repatriation System. Though it was
“technically infeasible” to air such a proposal in China at that time, the State Council initiated action to abolish certain
provisions of the Detention and Repatriation System. However, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee did not conduct
a constitutionality review.
相似文献
Xufeng ZhuEmail: |
10.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
11.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
相似文献
George CrowderEmail: |
12.
This paper explores whether an individual’s news source can explain their attitudes on immigration. We focus on the Spanish-speaking
population in the U.S., since they have the option of accessing their news in English, Spanish or in both languages. Our audience influence hypothesis predicts that Spanish-language news will cover immigration in a more positive and informative manner than will English-language
news. Thus, Latinos who use Spanish-language news may have a higher likelihood of possessing pro-immigrant sentiments than
Latinos who only use English-language news. Content analysis of Spanish and English-language television news segments reveals
variations in the tone and substance of these news outlets. Analysis of Latino survey respondents indicates that immigration
attitudes vary by news source. Generational status also influences Latinos’ immigration attitudes, though its impact is not
as great as one’s news source.
相似文献
Simran SinghEmail: |
13.
Sharon Portnoff 《Society》2009,46(1):76-84
On reading Primo Levi’s Holocaust memoir If This is a Man, one is immediately struck by its literary quality, and especially its generous use of Dante’s Inferno, both of which point to the more general problem of Holocaust witnessing. This paper focuses on Levi’s reasons for using
Dante’s poem in particular to communicate his experience. Levi’s choice of Inferno is pointed, not only because of the obvious trope of existence in Hell, but also because Levi conceived of Auschwitz as an
experiment designed to destroy the “human,” created in part, at least in the West, by Dante’s poem. What I will be suggesting
is that Levi emphasizes the distinctions between his and Dante’s experiences by including in his conversation with Dante’s
Inferno (paradoxically) his rejection of that conversation. There may or may not be something “human” which persists after Auschwitz,
and the only way to ask this question, without preconceiving an answer, is to dramatize silence. The resultant ambiguity urges
readers to, as Levi puts it, “participate in” the events described and/or dramatized.
相似文献
Sharon PortnoffEmail: |
14.
Karl Popper’s equation of the closed society with tribalism is reviewed and modified. The German origins of the anthropological
concept of culture and its related ideas of the folk culture and cultural relativism are explored. The vicissitudes of the
idea of The Folk and its swing from Right to Left are related to contemporary neo-primitivism. The open society and high culture
are defended.
相似文献
Robin FoxEmail: |
15.
Dean MacCannell 《Society》2008,45(4):334-337
Critics of the concept fail to note that staged authenticity is not authenticity but its opposite or negation. This error is illustrated referencing Ed Bruner’s reading of The Tourist in his recent book Culture on Tour.
相似文献
Dean MacCannellEmail: |
16.
Lejla Hadzic 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(1):137-151
The Dayton General Framework Agreement for Peace of late 1995 brought a ceasefire and an end to the killings in Bosnia. More
than 11 years after its signing, some of Dayton’s outlined aims for Bosnia remain unfulfilled or realized with mixed results.
Late in 2005, on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of Dayton, leading world political figures raved about the successes
of Dayton, but the immediate calls for the reform of Constitution included in the Dayton agreement, which followed the praise,
are perhaps a better indicator of the Agreement’s shortfalls in transitioning the Bosnian society from war to peace and subsequently
creating a functioning state since its signing. The outlined aims of Dayton were undoubtedly ambitious. This article will
examine the successes and failures of Dayton, within the framework of its own aims and jurisdiction – which themselves, in
the process, evolved and changed – to protect human rights with respect to the freedom of movement, the return of refugees,
and the war crime indictments.
相似文献
Lejla HadzicEmail: |
17.
Alan Rubenstein 《Society》2009,46(2):160-167
Hans Jonas was a philosopher who looked nihilism in the eye and courageously stood his ground. He did so by volunteering to
serve against the Nazis in World War II, by discovering the links to nihilism in his thought of his teacher Martin Heidegger
and by developing a novel philosophy of nature that took its lessons from both Aristotle and Darwin. Jonas’s philosophy of
organic nature – his rehabilitation of the soul as a relevant notion for biology – provided prescient insights for the still
developing fields of bioethics and environmental ethics.
相似文献
Alan RubensteinEmail: |
18.
Steven D. Ealy 《Society》2008,45(5):415-418
The 2008 presidential election will be significant both for domestic and for foreign policy. Issues of security in domestic
policy will continue to trump issues of freedom. The difficulties of resolving our military presence in Iraq will be the first
among many important issues the new administration must confront. In both domestic and foreign affairs the new administration
will have to deal with the unanticipated consequences of inherited policies even as it creates its own agenda and its own
set of unintended consequences.
相似文献
Steven D. EalyEmail: |
19.
Eileen R. Meehan 《Society》2008,45(4):338-341
Tourism has long figured in municipal and state-wide plans for economic development and revitalization. Such plans often articulate
themes subsequently used to organize tours, advertising campaigns, and merchandising. In the 1990s, some residents of Roswell,
New Mexico, tried to build tourism using typical southwestern themes. Others capitalized on Roswell’s unique association with
an alleged crash of an extraterrestrial craft. Early support from the New Mexico Tourism Department (NMTD) facilitated the
success of Roswell’s UFO-based tourism. In 2007, NMTD launched its own alien-based advertising campaign promoting New Mexico
as a tourist destination.
相似文献
Eileen R. MeehanEmail: |
20.
Richard Nunan 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):537-541
Consequentialist cosmopolitanism, Peter Higgins argues, enables closed border liberals to evade charges of moral hypocrisy
despite their commitment to moral equality of individuals, once we recognize that open border arguments rely on cosmopolitanism’s
individualism requirement, which ignores social realities relevant to a realistic assessment of the social consequences of
an open immigration policy. Higgins is mistaken, however, in contending that cosmopolitan individualism entails attention
to people only in their capacity as the abstract atomic individuals populating Charles Mills’ idealized social ontologies.
Conversely, if cosmopolitan individualism does compel us to think of people as abstract atomic individuals, we are not obliged
to think of them as relatively privileged. Under liberal cosmopolitanism, however, which prohibits state discrimination between
citizens and non-citizens, open border policies are subject to no such consequentialist objections.
相似文献
Richard NunanEmail: |