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论述了儒家创立大同世界的人生理想对培养有理想、儒家整体主义、仁爱精神、重家庭、慎言力行、理想人格,对培养有道德、儒家提倡的君子的人格,在文化素质上对培养有文化、儒家严守所信奉的政治理想和信念,对培养有纪律的社会主义"四有"新人的重要借鉴意义。 相似文献
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传统儒家"君子"称谓作为一种行为规范,向古人指明了恰当的作为方向,也凸显了中国古代政治的德性追求.挖掘儒家"君子"之良善观念,重点在于厘清中国古典政治理念与现代政治思想之间的会通,探究"君子儒"所蕴含的理想人格,分析君子养成"三达德"君子之道的行为规范,归纳儒家"修己安人""尊五美屏四恶""内圣外王"的为政之道.借由中国传统道德与当代公共责任伦理的契合,探讨儒家君子观之国家治理的德性意义. 相似文献
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儒家的政治哲学和历史学说倾向于在解释世界的同时向社会提供改变世界的可行性论证。本文认为,两宋理学家的政治理想最能体现儒家主流政治哲学的特质,即大幅提升伦理精神,将政治与历史伦理化,使整个社会结构固定在宗法伦理的框架之中,伦理问题是解决政治问题的关键所在。从本质上说,宋代理学的政治理想具有浓郁的乌托邦色彩,这种目标的完美性,阻碍了理学家对实际问题的认知与处理。 相似文献
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"道德的政治"是儒家政治哲学的整体气质,《中庸》之"诚"是儒家政治哲学的实现过程。"诚"贯彻为两条理路:一方面是"致中和"政治文明理想,另一方面是"君子时中"政治参与。故《中庸》是传统儒家"道德的政治"政治哲学的经典诠释,是"政治的道德主义"与"道德的政治实践"结合的思维典范。《中庸》政治哲学的理论内涵与逻辑,是"道德的政治"儒学研究的重要案例,为当前中国特色社会主义政治文明发展提供了儒家经验。 相似文献
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儒家强调“治人”的政治理念和主张乃至整个儒家政治哲学的实质往往被说成或概括为“人治”或“人治主义”,而所谓的“人治”或“人治主义”又是在两种截然相反的含义上被使用的,一种含义是指“贤人政治”,另一种含义是指“个人的无法统治”。依作者之见,这一说法或概括具有许多的含混之处,甚至使儒家背负上了一种主张“个人的无法统治”意义上的“人治”的污名。本文的主旨即在正本清源,而为儒家的政治哲学理念和主张辩诬正名,认为应以“人本”或“人本主义”来概括和描述儒家政治哲学的实质,以便消除一些不必要的误解和偏见。 相似文献
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从政观,是从政者思想政治素养的核心内容。而中国传统文化中的儒家从政观对提高当今各级领导者的素质亦有重要参考价值。为什么而从政?——儒家的政治理想和社会责任感与道家“出世”迎然不同,儒家各派皆持“入世”态度。儒家经典《大学》提出实现王道政治有八个要点,即“格物、致知、诚意、正心、修身、齐家、治国、平天下”,其中,前六条是手段和途径,后两条即治国、平天下是目的。至于北宋张载提出的“为天地立心,为生民立命,为往圣继绝学,为万世开太平”(《西铭D更成为后儒的座右铭。他们密切关注民生疾苦与社稷盛衰,要求从… 相似文献
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面对日益复杂和多变的社会,中国政治文明建设如何实现政治管理的更加有效性和人文化已经成为一个亟待解决的课题。儒家思想是我国历史上一颗璀璨的明珠,它作为一种传统文化已经渗入到社会民众的心里,深深地影响着人们的价值理念、思维模式和生活方式。从现代政治管理学的角度阐释"修身"、"中庸"等儒家政治管理思想,分析"仁政"、"贵和"等儒家政治管理方式,对当代的管理具有重要意义。 相似文献
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在汉代廉政研究中,隐士的作用尚未引起人们注意。事实上两汉政府较为重视利用隐士典型及征召隐士的行为来推行廉政建设。之所以如此,与两汉尊隐传统、隐士在社会上有着较高地位有关,也跟隐士本身不贪名利、廉洁自守的品行特征有关。两汉政府利用隐士来提倡廉政收到了一定效果,它对于我们今天的廉政建设具有一定的借鉴意义。 相似文献
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从商代到东汉,华夏族群①的西部边界呈逐渐西移的趋势。两汉时期的西域,已经达到汉朝移民所能生存的生态极限和汉朝政权行政力量控制的极限。但为了抵御来自北方匈奴人的压力,汉朝极力突破这条客观存在的界限。在这个政治因素的推动下,汉朝形成了独特的西域历史记忆,并用《西域传》的方式被历代中央王朝所继承,维系并巩固了西域与中原王朝的统一。 相似文献
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西汉刺史制度是当时中央政府解决其与地方矛盾的产物,在当时的社会历史条件下,具有监督地方政府、惩治吏治、镇压地方叛乱的作用。但也暴露出它的缺陷。分析其利弊,对中国当今监察工作的完善和发展具有一定的借鉴意义。 相似文献
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中国古代的帝王政治文化传统源远流长,影响深远,是中国政治文化传统现代化研究的重要对象。帝王政治文化传统可以从帝王与天道、帝王与臣属以及帝王与民众等三个方面加以剖析。上述三种关系中,既有皇权专断、专制的一面,又有适应现代社会的一面。要实现中国传统帝王政治文化的现代化,重要的就是要发扬和改造其中的优秀文化要素,使之适应现代政治和社会。传统的专制制度对帝王政治文化具有重要影响,要想实现帝王文化的现代化,政治制度的转变是一个重要条件。 相似文献
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Abstract. This article reviews a selected range of comparative political research on women's movements, a subfield of political science whose recent proliferation now positions it at the leading edge of women and politics scholarship. Recognizing that "women" as a category of research is of necessity heterogeneous and informed by differences of race, class, ethnicity, nationality, generation, and religion, the article argues that this complex intersectionality need not mean that women's movements are beyond the scope of comparative political research. Rather, as the research focus of women and politics scholars has become increasingly carefully specified, general patterns are evident in the research that should serve to advance the comparative study of women's movements and comparative political research more generally. The article focuses on definitional challenges and the limitations of conflating "women's movements", "feminist movements", and "women in social movements", and discusses four major research arenas within which cross–national commonalities among women's movements are evidenced. These include the relationship between women's movements and political parties; "double militancy" as a potentially distinctive collective identity problem for women's movement activists; the extent to which political opportunities for women's movements are (or can be) gendered; and the relationship between women's movements and the state. The article concludes with suggestions for future research in the subfields of comparative women's movements and comparative politics. 相似文献
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This article seeks to advance our understanding of the politics of growth management reform in the American states. First, it builds on prior research on agenda processes in other policy arenas to identify four "ideal" types of growth management reforms with empirical referents in the states: quantum, emergent, convergent and gradualist. Next, the political dynamics associated with each type are culled from the experiences of eight states pursuing such reforms over the past three decades. The article concludes by reviewing the implications of these findings for future research and for those pursuing growth management reforms in the future. 相似文献
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Amal Jamal 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):411-431
Critical theoretical models usually aim to explain complex sociopolitical realities and open some space for constructive change. The "ethnic democracy model," developed by the Israeli sociologist Sammy Smooha, comes to justify the existing state structure in Israel in which democracy is selective and differential vis-à-vis the various social groups in Israeli society. A systematic critique of this model demonstrates the attempts made by Israeli political sociologists to turn the ethnic nature of Israeli democracy into a stagnant ideal-type in a time where regime dynamism and democratization is considered an ideal in world politics. In order to pinpoint the deficiencies in the ethnic democracy model, multiculturalism is utilized as a normative theory that better explains the sociopolitical reality in Israel. This paper concludes by suggesting searching for state recognition of the political benefits of differentiated citizenship and group rights to reduce the rising ethno-cultural conflict in Israeli society. 相似文献
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《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):180-196
AbstractIn an ironically ?i?ekian manner, this paper argues that Simon Critchley and Slavoj ?i?ek's apparent political disagreement (ludic reformist versus strident revolutionary) conceal a common set of preconditions and presuppositions. These presuppositions can be summed by the slogan "the for getting of political philosophy", which more specifically means the forgetting of the difference between philosophy and political life, and the reflective need to find mediations between the two. Critchley's turn to humour honours the notion that politics is about the realm of appearances, while ?i?ek's frank avowal of the "diabolical evil" of the subject of the death drive makes patently clear the dangers posed by a "politics of Truth". 相似文献
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Karen Zivi 《American journal of political science》2006,50(1):49-61
The antidemocratic tendencies of rights appear to be numerous. As trumps, rights are denounced for shutting down political debate and undermining the common good. As disciplinary, rights are attacked for reinforcing a politics of exclusion. I argue that an appreciation of the democratic potential of rights requires conceiving of them as political claims, as claims that represent a perspective that we seek to persuade others to adopt and through which we can create and contest community and identity. I cull a political conception of rights from the work of John Stuart Mill by rethinking the meaning of and connection between his ontological commitments and his politics. Paying careful attention to his notion of "character" and its cultivation, I argue that Mill embraces a conception of the socially constituted subject who is both disciplined and enabled by rights. 相似文献