地方官员政策偏好的风险防范及整合

地方官员因其处于特殊的地方权力体系当中,故其个人偏好容易代替社会偏好直接进入政策制定过程,造成公共政策的决策风险加大。分析地方官员政策偏好特别是不良偏好的表现形态及原因,寻找地方官员政策偏好风险防范及有效整合措施,保证决策的民主化和科学化,是地方政府公共政策制定和实施中的重要课题。     

政府与社会组织关系研究——以吉林省为例

合作伙伴关系是政府在认识和解决与社会组织关系问题的一种新视角、新思路,是政府在提供公共物品以及实施公共管理时,与其他社会组织建立的一种相互沟通、协调和协商合作的机制和分担责任、分享收益,实现共赢的一种合作模式,表明政府与社会组织之间不再完全是管理与被管理的关系,而是形成了具有很强契约特点的政府管理的新理念,体现出政府在公共治理中角色的转变及其对自身职能和地位的重新认识。     

Cybercrimes v. Cyberliberties

The broad topic of 'crime and cyberliberties' encompasses two major subtopics: firstly, the extent to which online expression may be punished under new criminal laws, even if it would be lawful in the traditional print media; and secondly, the extent to which online privacy may be restricted to facilitate enforcement of existing criminal laws. In both contexts, many law enforcement officials argue that we have to make trade-offs between, on the one hand, individual rights and, on the other hand, public safety. In fact, though, the alleged dichotomy is oversimplified and misleading. Claims about the alleged unique dangers of online expression are exaggerated, and the types of criminal laws and law enforcement strategies that have worked effectively in other media are also effective in cyberspace. For example, children should be protected from exploitation in the production of child pornography through the same measures, regardless of whether the material is distributed through postal mail or e-mail. Indeed, individuals and organizations who are devoted to protecting children from exploitation and abuse-whether for the production of child pornography or any other purpose-have expressed frustration that resources that should be used to enforce existing laws are being diverted toward efforts to create new cyberspeech crimes, such as the two US laws criminalizing online material that is 'indecent,' 'patently offensive', or 'harmful to minors'. The many judges who have ruled on these laws-including the entire US Supreme Court-have agreed that they violate free expression rights and are not necessary for their stated purpose of protecting children. The battle to preserve online privacy has not been as successful in the US, where the government restricts strong encryption despite the vigorous objections of not only cyberlibertarians, but also the business community. Moreover, even some law enforcement and other government officials have concluded that, on balance, security concerns are aided, not undermined, by strong encryption, since it protects innocent individuals and legitimate businesses from cybercriminals, and it also protects governments and vital infrastructures from cyberterrorism. Most governments apparently recognize these facts since they have not joined the US in restricting encryption technology.     

论社会中介组织的行政主体地位

社会中介组织发端于西方社会,是市场经济和政府"双失灵"的必然选择。作为沟通政府与社会的桥梁纽带,社会中介组织发挥着积极作用。特别在我国现阶段,社会中介组织的培育和发展,已经成为推动社会发展不可或缺的中坚力量。但是,由于受我国传统行政法理论的影响,在行政法学研究中,社会中介组织在行政法上的地位却不明确。本文拟从传统的行政主体理论入手,以公共行政理论为支撑,对我国社会中介组织的主体地位进行理论上的探讨。     

Negotiating Citizenship on the Frontlines: How the Devolution of Canadian Immigration Policy Shapes Service Delivery to Women Fleeing Abuse

This article examines how nongovernmental service providers navigate devolutionary trends in Canada, in both immigration control and integration policy, when responding to migrants who come to them for help and support. Drawing upon conceptualizations of citizenship as a “negotiated relationship” ( Stasiulis and Bakan 2003 ), I explore how social service providers, who work amidst a complex interplay of federal, provincial, and local policies, can influence both who is deemed worthy of social membership and what rights an individual can successfully claim from the state. Empirically, this article focuses on observation of community meetings and conversational interviews with service providers in violence against women shelters in Toronto, Ontario, Canada's most populous and diverse city. While service providers navigate different levels of government to advocate for women's rights to seek safety from abuse, I argue that both individual service providers and the organizations in which they work monitor and constrain the degree to which they openly challenge state authority to restrict immigrants' “right to have rights” ( Arendt 1951 [1979] , 296).     

The Reconstitution of Law in Local Settings: Agency Discretion, Ambiguity, and a Surplus of Law in the Policing of Hate Crime

An important yet poorly understood function of law enforcement organizations is the role they play in distilling and transmitting the meaning of legal rules to frontline law enforcement officers and their local communities. In this study, we examine how police and sheriff's agencies in California collectively make sense of state hate crime laws. To do so, we gathered formal policy documents called “hate crime general orders” from all 397 police and sheriff's departments in the state and conducted interviews with law enforcement officials to determine the aggregate patterns of local agencies' responses to higher law. We also construct a “genealogy of law” to locate the sources of the definitions of hate crime used in agency policies. Despite a common set of state criminal laws, we find significant variation in how hate crime is defined in these documents, which we attribute to the discretion local law enforcement agencies possess, the ambiguity of law, and the surplus of legal definitions of hate crime available in the larger environment to which law enforcement must respond. Some law enforcement agencies take their cue from other agencies, some follow statewide guidelines, and others are oriented toward gaining legitimacy from national professional bodies or groups within their own community. The social mechanisms that produce the observed clustering patterns in terms of approach to hate crime law are mimetic (copying another department), normative (driven by professional standards about training and community social movement pressure), and actuarial (affected by the demands of the crime data collection system). Together these findings paint a picture of policing organizations as mediators between law‐on‐the‐books and law‐in‐action that are embedded in interorganizational networks with other departments, state and federal agencies, professional bodies, national social movement organizations, and local community groups. The implications of an interorganizational field perspective on law enforcement and implementation are discussed in relation to existing sociolegal research on policing, regulation, and recent neo‐institutional scholarship on law.     

Administering Entitlement: Governance,Public Health Care,and the Early American State

This article explores the federal marine hospitals of the early republic, the first public health care system in US history. Beginning in 1798, the federal government collected twenty cents per month from mariners' wages and used this revenue to subsidize medical care for sick and disabled merchant mariners. Previous studies have traced links between marine hospitals and modern public policy. By studying governance from the bottom up, this article takes a different approach. I argue that jurists, physicians, and officials' regulation of sailors' entitlement to public health care facilitated and reflected a transformation of national authority. Between 1798 and 1816, sailors' entitlement was a local matter, based on the traditional paternalist understandings of maritime laborers as social dependents. By 1836, though, the federal Treasury redefined entitlement around a newly calculus of productivity: only the productive were entitled to care at the marine hospitals. This story about governance, federal law, and political economy in the early United States suggests that the early American state was a more vibrant participant in the market and society than has been previously understood.     

Enforcement of Civil Rights Law in Private Workplaces: The Effects of Compliance Reviews and Lawsuits Over Time

Has federal antidiscrimination law been effective in moving women and minorities into management? Early studies show that government affirmative action reviews improved the numbers, and rank, of blacks, but evidence of what has happened since 1980 is sparse. There is little evidence that civil rights lawsuits improved the employment status of women or African Americans. We examine establishment‐level effects of compliance reviews and lawsuits on the percentage of women and blacks in management. We find that compliance reviews, which alter organizational routines, had stronger and more lasting effects than lawsuits, which create disincentives to discriminate. We also find that deregulation was more consequential for compliance reviews than for lawsuits: Compliance reviews initiated in the 1980s were less effective than those initiated in the 1970s. Not so for lawsuits. Compared to lawsuits, compliance reviews appear to have a greater capacity to elicit lasting organizational change, but their effects are mediated by the regulatory environment.     

县域社会违建执法的组织形态与治理绩效辨析

县域社会违建执法需要一定的组织载体,但在不同农村类型中,体制层面执法资源配置不均和社会层面违建个体情境差异共同塑造了不同类型的政府执法组织,并产生不同治理绩效。在城中村,正式化执法组织具备常规执法权且执法密度大,虽能够强化执法效果,但在执法过程中始终存在政府与征拆居民的利益博弈;在城郊村,正式化与半正式化相结合的执法组织有助于强化政府执法力量和权威,但受信息制约和人情关系影响容易产生灰色利益空间,进而侵蚀执法目标;在远郊村,半正式化执法组织本身没有专业执法权,政府常在一定时期内通过组织动员手段来补强执法力量,但执法绩效具有不稳定性。三类农村违建执法组织的治理绩效差异,反映出国家法律在县域城乡社会落地的非均质性。     

The Diffusion of the Concept of Public Figure in China

This article considers how and why the legal concept of public figure, which holds public figures to a higher standard that makes it more difficult for them to recover damages when suing for libel, has been diffused in China. The public figure concept developed in the U.S. context as an extension of New York Times v. Sullivan from public officials to public figures, reflecting the deeply embedded value of freedom of expression. Despite authoritarianism in China, the concept was adapted in the rulings of some local courts to define the limits of the right to reputation. The diffusion was a response to a stream of litigation against media organizations. In the process of diffusion and adaptation, courts have acted strategically to reshape the public figure concept and refashion its justifications. Given the political constraints on courts in authoritarian China, they have been careful to avoid applying the concept to public officials, and instead have applied the concept to public figures such as celebrities. The diffusion of the concept in China sheds light on theories of legal diffusion more broadly, by illustrating how the process of diffusion can be bottom‐up and open‐ended, and how it can occur even in a counter‐intuitive case in which there are significant political and ideational differences between the two countries.     

Decentralization, Subsidiarity, Rodney King and State Deification: A Libertarian Analysis

This paper posits that the government is indistinguishable from a robber gang except for the fact that it enjoys exceedingly good public relations (supplied to it, symbiotically, by the intellectual classes) and thus legitimacy. The paper attempts to see beyond this superficiality, and thus to interpret cases in which the state and an ordinary criminal interact not in this manner, but rather as the interaction of two criminal organizations.     

论影响我国地方政府行政能力的因素及加强途径

随着经济社会的发展,公众的需求将不断的增多,对政府管理的能力要求也越来越高。如何适应新的时代要求,加强政府的行政能力,提升公共服务的水平,就成为摆在我国各级政府面前的一项艰巨而紧迫的任务。本文主要从几个方面进行阐述:加强地方政府的行政能力,是我国政府面临的时代要求;影响地方政府行政能力的主要因素;加强地方政府行政能力的基本途径。     

实现自由与秩序的良性平衡——对流浪乞讨问题的宪法学分析

收容遣送制度的废止和救助管理办法的建立并没有完全解决许多城市所面临的流浪乞讨问题,因而当今中国各大城市仍然需要在宪法和法律规定的范围内处理这一问题。本文从美国对相关问题的宪政经验出发,探讨地方立法所必须遵循的宪法学原则。和美国类似,中国宪法虽然没有提到乞讨或露宿的权利,但也规定了和这类问题相关的公民基本权利。结合中国和美国的相关宪政经验,本文认为政府并不是绝对不可对乞讨和露宿行为进行限制,而是必须保证这些限制符合宪法的基本要求。第一,它们所针对的是行为,而不是流浪者或乞丐身份。第二,政府只有在具备合法的公共利益的情况下才能限制这些行为。第三,有关规定不得为执法人员提供不受控制的自由裁量权。最后,要实现自由与秩序的平衡,必须建立独立的宪法解释机构,通过司法过程界定公民权利与地方权力的边界。     

中美三个联合公报的条约性质研析——兼论中国的对策

长期以来,中美两国对于中美三个联合公报的法律性质存在着极大的争议:中国认为中美三个联合公报是有拘束力的条约,美国却否认这一点。这种争议的结果既严重损害了中美三个联合公报的权威性,更严重阻碍了中美关系的正常发展。根据国际条约法的基本原则和基本理论,特别是从条约的基本特征、美国国内法关于条约的定性、三个联合公报的履约情况等方面进行的深入分析表明,中美三个联合公报确定无疑是有拘束力的条约。基于此,中国政府应该积极寻求维护中美三个联合公报权威性及其条约性质的法律对策。     

Human Rights as a Security Threat: Lawfare and the Campaign against Human Rights NGOs

In this article, I show how the term lawfare is being deployed as a speech act in order to encode the field of human rights as a national security threat. The objective, I claim, is to hinder the work of human rights organizations that produce and disseminate knowledge about social wrongs perpetrated by military personnel and government officials, particularly evidence of acts emanating from the global war on terrorism—such as torture and extrajudicial executions—that constitute war crimes and can be presented in courts that exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Israel as a case study, I investigate the local and global dimensions of the securitization processes, focusing on how different securitizing actors—academics, nongovernmental organizations, think tanks, policy makers, and legislators—mobilize the media, shape public opinion, lobby legislators and policy makers, introduce new laws, and pressure donors to pave the way for a form of exceptional intervention to limit the scope of human rights work.     

中间层级何以保障政府运转? ——政府过程中的副职领导研究

【问题】中国副职领导官员通过怎样的机制介入政府过程?作为中间层级的政府群体,他们如何处理政府运行中的组织目标和执行能力的关系?副职领导官员对于理解政府治理有着怎样的理论与实践意义?【方法】论文基于田野调查和访谈,重点关注政府中的互动“事件”,依据“条条—块块”“上层—下层”“重要—日常”维度获得了19个案例,并进行了扎根理论分析。【发现】副职领导官员凭借分管、集体化和复杂性特征成为兼顾组织目标和执行能力的“保障性耦合枢纽”,并表现出三种机制:其一,方案转化机制,即结合价值目标和能力水平议定行动方案;其二,激励统率机制,即在上级授权之下动员、组织和引导下属官员;其三,调适纠偏机制,即对组织运行的潜在问题进行调节。这些机制使政府过程富有层层过渡的弹性,把压力化指标不断转化,并将激励链条贯穿于组织网络之中。【贡献】组织不会一直保持均衡结构,而中国情境中的副职领导官员能够使政府组织实现动态平衡,启示了中间层级研究的价值。论文审视了副职领导官员群体的重要性,揭示了他们在中国科层组织中的独特作用:作为积极的集体性行动者,副职领导官员串联协同各个层级,将政府有效运转起来。     

MASS COMPLIANCE AND SOCIAL INTERACTION

When government policy decisions affect the general public, people may or may not comply. How and why compliance occurs is not well understood. Current research on compliance has several weaknesses: (1) it tends to focus on the behavior of public officials rather than on the general public; (2) it relies on static rather than dynamic models; and (3) it underestimates the impact of social groups on individual choices. The present analysis treats compliance as a dynamic process incorporating both social influence and individual calculation. We assume that primary groups (family, peers), social status, and a society's culture all play important roles in changing compliance over time.     

共建共治共享社会治理格局的逻辑进路、时代内涵与路径创新

打造共建共治共享的社会治理格局是推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的必然要求。政府主导、多元参与的共建共治共享社会治理格局具有"主体复合多元""全民共建共治共享""上下有机互动""政府平台保障"的基本特征。因此,以转变政府职能为核心,以激发社会组织活力为重点,以提升公众参与意识为关键,以夯实法治保障为根本,是新时代打造政府主导、多元参与的共建共治共享社会治理格局的路径选择。     

The Evolution of the CPC’s Conception of Association and Regulation of Social Organizations in China

Freedom of association and all institutions coming with it have not been accepted by the Chinese government. Instead, Chinese social organization administration is based upon the concept of association held by the Communist Party of China (CPC). The Chinese government had adopted a “total control” model of social organization administration in the era of totalitarianism before the “Opening-up and Reform”, leaving almost no room for social organizations to survive, because the CPC had regarded social organizations as “revolutionary” and “deconstructive”. The Chinese has adopted a graduated control system to administrate social organizations in the era of authoritarianism after the “Opening-up and Reform”, treating social organizations differently according to their threats to the ruling order and their utilities for economic development, because the CPC has viewed social organizations as a “challenging” but “auxiliary” power. The on-going “innovation of registration and administration of social organizations” is not a return to international standard regarding social organization administration in China, but only partial reform of the graduate control system still based upon the CPC’s conception of association as “challenging” but “auxiliary”. Social organizations capable of providing public goods in areas of economic development and social services are given more favorable treatment by the government while political and religious organizations are still tightly controlled by the government.     

Protecting integrity at the local level: the role of anticorruption and public management networks

This article argues that anti-corruption agencies at the local-level have been successful in a way that can be evaluated and emulated. A related contention is that corruption control is most effective when the central public integrity agency is part of both a local anticorruption network and a local public management network. Quite reasonably, the international anti-corruption project has focused most time and energy on advocating and assessing efforts made to ensure public integrity at the national level. Baseline studies by scholars and supra-national integrity nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) identify the form of corruption control (if any) adopted by the central government. Key considerations in assessing the status of national anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) are the ones mentioned in the introduction to this special issue: political independence, scope of authority, investigatory powers, position in the national legal/political network, durability, and use of effectiveness measures. Similar taxonomies are deployed by OLAF, Transparency International, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and by scholars on corruption control.