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1.
公安微博作为公安机关公共关系传播的新平台,承载着警务信息公开、网络问政、服务互动群众、建立公安公共关系传播新模式的功能。2014年8月16日,南京青奥会开幕,以公安微博为代表的"微传播"媒体平台对青奥会工作开展起到极大助力作用,另一方面,公安微博在青奥会中成为警民沟通的桥梁,也对警察形象的提升带来了挑战与机遇。本文通过研究公安微博和警察形象的概念和特点,结合公安微博在2014年青奥会中的典型表现,探讨公安微博对警察形象提升的作用,并详细分析产生挑战与机遇的原因。在此基础上,提出公安机关借助公安微博提升警察形象的价值性建议。  相似文献   

2.
对刑侦基层基础工作的思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
公安基层基础工作是指由公安机关直接面对社会公众的警务实战单位及其成员实施的,对维护治安秩序与社会稳定具有前提性、整体性、长期性作用的公共安全工作。在公安机关,基层是维护稳定的第一道防线、服务群众的第一个平台,基层基础工作则是整个公安工作的根基,是推动公安事业长远发展的基石。  相似文献   

3.
忻文轲  杨烨 《检察风云》2002,(14):54-55
他们是管警察的特殊警察,他们是争创人民满意的执法先锋:上海市公安局警务督察队成立五年以来,紧紧围绕公安中心工作,深入公安一线,狠抓公安队伍突出问题,积极为基层单位排忧解难,树立了警务督察的良好形象。 五年来,全市190余名警务督察人员共出动警力18余万人次,发现和纠正各类问题2.8万余个,发出《督察通知书》、《督察建议书》610份,对82名违法违纪民警决定停止执行职务,对49名民警采取了禁  相似文献   

4.
警察体育是警察警务工作且特殊育警实战训练方式。中国警察体育其目标定在警察体育与警务实战强警的塑造,以促进国家安全、社会稳定为依托,建设我国特色警察体育学科教育训练体系,警察训练理论与公安实践相结合,以提高警察战斗力,增强实战体能、掌握警察技能和警察战术应用,才是我国警察体育发展的主要内涵和价值观。  相似文献   

5.
苏俊锋 《法制与社会》2011,(24):195-196,200
人民群众是公安工作最直接、最广泛、最敏感的信息来源,是对各种违法犯罪现象施加压力最普遍、最直接、最及时的力量,人民群众在对付各种犯罪及治安问题方面的智慧和力量是公安工作取之不尽的社会资源。长期以来的公安实践证明,群众工作的好坏直接影响公安工作的效能和公安机关在人民群众中的形象。为此本文作者对做好公安群众工作进行了一些探索。一是狠抓警察职业道德教育,强化服务意识,树立诚信公安形象;二是加强业务培训,使做好群众工作成为民警特别是基层民警必须具备的一项基本功;三是改革运行机制,使基层民警真正走进社区、融入到群众之中;四是从事公安群众工作,与群众打交道,还要善于采取多种方法,以情感人。  相似文献   

6.
孔雯  苏振威 《政法学刊》2007,24(3):80-84
深圳南山公安分局在基层实战单位的用警理念与警务协作机制等方面做了有益的探索,其警察机动训练大队战训合一警务运作模式,通过信息导警的动态联勤协作机制,充分发挥了机训警力的警务效能,体现出了弹性用警、精确用警、素质强警等低成本高效益的警力资源配置制度优势。这些警务模式的变革与深圳南山分局所处的组织环境是密切相关的,其警务运作的低成本高效益对于当前我国警务机制的建设与探索有着重要的启示和意义。  相似文献   

7.
“民警驻村,群众安心,服务到家,稳定成真”,这是2012年3月山西省汾阳市公安局实施“双千固基”工程、选配民警驻村、开展警民共建平安汾阳活动以来,人民群众对公安基层警务工作的评价。  相似文献   

8.
社区反恐警务模式是以社区警务为依托而构建的全民反恐的主动型警务模式,是对我国当前反恐斗争的有力应对,是我国反恐斗争的现实需要,也是此次公安改革的内在要求。社区反恐警务模式将警察从传统的社区安全维护者,提升为国土安全维护者,通过提高群众反恐意识,建立反恐跨部门协同机制,打造社区反恐情报共享平台,提高警察反恐实战能力,为有效预防和打击当前暴力恐怖犯罪奠定坚实的基础。  相似文献   

9.
王海燕 《法制与社会》2013,(30):160-161
警察群众工作是党群众路线的集中体现,是社会稳定的根本保证,是构建和谐社会的重要课题。当前警察群众工作面临崭新社会情势,群众工作能力凸显不足,主客观层面存在诸种问题,如主观上不愿做,方法上不会做,客观上无力做。本文从为民理念、公安制度系统、基层管理机制、保障措施四个方面分析影响因素,为进一步探索提升警察群众工作能力的实践操作奠定坚实基础。  相似文献   

10.
基层警力不足已成为制约基层警务处理的关键要素。本文基于警力"无增长改善理论"和基层警力实战的需求,分析当前造成基层警力不足的现实与体制原因,提出改革公安管理体制,创新警务模式,提升民警素质,利用社会资源等措施,实现警力下沉基层,科学配置警力,发掘现有警力潜能,从而保障警务工作的高效运行。  相似文献   

11.
Substantial growth in private policing has been documented in countries throughout the world, and the division of responsibilities for policing between public and private authorities has become increasingly blurred and contested during the last three decades. Because private policing is so frequently assessed on the basis of criteria established with respect to the public police, substantial myths have developed about the powers and accountability of private police; specifically, it is commonly asserted that private police have no significant power(s), and are essentially not accountable, in comparison with the public police. The author argues that such assertions misrepresent the very substantial coercive power of private police as well as the variety of mechanisms through which they may be held accountable, and also commonly exaggerate the effective accountability of the public police. The author concludes that a greater appreciation of the actual power and accountability of private police will provide an improved basis for the development of sound public policy with respect to both private and public policing, and with respect to appropriate relationships between private and public policing organisations.  相似文献   

12.
In Northern Ireland??s move from conflict to peace, policing has remained close to the top of the political agenda. As part of the peace process, the Independent Commission on Policing (ICP) reported in 1999, and since its publication policing structures in Northern Ireland have undergone considerable reform. One of the threads of the ICP was to introduce a more nodal or networked approach to the delivery of policing that included the establishment of partnership policing structures. Against this backdrop, this article evaluates the use of the recently established Partners and Communities Together (PACT) public meetings in their role as a tool in re-shaping the parameters police accountability in Northern Ireland. The model is explicitly promoted as fostering a more nodal approach to local police decision making by engaging with a more diverse range of groups and harnessing the knowledge of local agencies to solve crime and disorder problems. Therefore, enhancing the accountability and legitimacy of the PSNI at the local level. In these contexts, the article utilises data taken from fieldwork undertaken at these public meetings and critically considers their role as forums where communities bring low level disorder issues that are affecting their neighbourhood to the attention of the PSNI, and whether they help solve these issues in partnership. The article therefore offers an examination of the role of public meetings and the PACT model itself.  相似文献   

13.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(2):255-279
There is tension between the core tenets of procedural justice and those of order maintenance policing. Research has shown that citizens’ perceptions of procedural justice influence their beliefs about police legitimacy, yet at the same time, some order maintenance policing efforts stress frequent stops of vehicles and persons for suspected disorderly behavior. These types of programs can threaten citizens’ perceptions of police legitimacy because the targeted offenses are minor and are often not well‐defined. Citizens stopped for low‐level offenses may view such stops as a form of harassment, as they may not believe they were doing anything to warrant police scrutiny. This paper examines young men’s self‐described experiences with this style of proactive policing. Study findings highlight that order maintenance policing strategies have negative implications for police legitimacy and crime control efforts via their potential to damage citizens’ views of procedural justice.  相似文献   

14.
贾永生 《政法学刊》2014,(5):117-125
火车站等公共场所发生爆炸后,警方要采取应急警务对犯罪嫌疑人、受伤亡人员、现场秩序、痕迹物证保全与记录等开展快速处置与勘验。爆炸现场快速处置与勘验就是现场整体清理与转移,虽然现场的原始位置变化了,但是载体及其位置关系还在,特别是整体搬迁的残留物、抛出物等相互关系也要记录好。现场编号是勘查人员对现场的场所区域、痕迹物证分布、尸体位置等所做的标记,这种外在的符号添加和记录留存应该与现场客观记录的需要相匹配。  相似文献   

15.
16.
This study examines how individuals make the decision to become police officers in the context of a police legitimacy crisis and how men and women’s decision-making processes may be different. In-depth interviews were conducted with 42 criminal justice college students who want to become police officers. Prospective police officers anticipated facing challenges as a direct result of the current climate surrounding American policing, which is characterized by decreased police legitimacy. On top of this, women anticipated facing more challenges than male officers due to their gender and underrepresentation in police work. However, women were uniquely motivated to enter policing to overcome gender-specific challenges and felt that they offered special skills that would provide solutions to the police legitimacy crisis. The paper draws implications for how agencies can identify more quality candidates and increase their representation of women.  相似文献   

17.
张曾元 《政法学刊》2011,28(4):121-124
公安警务改革是公安社会管理创新的一项重要内容。全国各地公安机关根据本地实际,进行了富有地方特色的警务改革。河南公安警务改革提出提升公安警务效能的模式构想:“1+2+N”模式,是对具有中国特色的公安警务改革和公安社会管理创新之路的有益探索。  相似文献   

18.
The Road Traffic Act 1988 gives police in the United Kingdom the power to seize motor vehicles which they have reasonable grounds for believing are being driven without a valid driver??s licence or motor insurance. Drivers may then have to pay a fee to have their vehicles returned. When exercising this power of seizure, the police may rely on information contained on the Police National Computer (PNC) which is linked to the National Insurance Database (NID). Whilst these databases are undoubtedly invaluable in this endeavour, they are not always accurate, and incidents have occurred whereby motorists who are in fact driving with valid insurance have had their vehicles seized and retained. Focusing on the case of Lisa, whose vehicle was wrongly impounded by Merseyside Police in 2007, and other cases, we explore the legitimacy and legality of such activity. We question both the discretionary power of the police in taking such action, and the validity of their (over) reliance on technology. We posit that the taking of money in cases such as Lisa??s is evidence of the turn within public policing towards marketisation, and consider the capacity for harm to innocent individuals and the implications for justice and fairness. Ultimately, we contend that police accountability is compromised and that a new approach is required. We close the piece with some recommendations for improved police practice.  相似文献   

19.
金卫  彭俊平 《政法学刊》2011,28(6):96-100
创建和谐社区警务区,社区平安是基础,社区服务是关键。实践证明,全力推进和谐社区警务区建设,必须围绕社区的治安实际和群众需求,不断强化社区警务建设,健全五大机制,推进社区警务工作"五化",将社区警务区打造成零距离服务群众,近距离防控犯罪的平台,实现警察形象柔性化、警民关系伙伴化、警务活动社会化的新型警务模式,有效提升社区居民群众的安全感和满意度。同时要做到理念创新,在建设和谐社区警务区的进程中,必须坚定不移地树立"以民为本、服务至上"等六个正确的理念。  相似文献   

20.
The inner-city riots of 1980s Britain provoked an important set of debates in the progressive criminological literature about police accountability and the policing of racial minorities. Two main oppositional political strategies emerged. Following the pioneering work of Hall et al. (1978) some British criminologists supported a police monitoring strategy that proceeded on a case by case approach. In a more generalized approach, the strategy employed by the left realist school made use of the local crime survey in order to gather data on crime and policing practices that were used in public forum to make police accountable. In fulfilling this mandate, the first sweep of the Islington Crime Survey (ICS) provides an empirically grounded analysis of focused military-style policing in the Black community. These authors argue that differential policing practices, such as stop and search patterns, alienate Black youth from the police and contribute to the reduced flow of information from the community to the police vital for police effectiveness at crime control.The premise of this paper is that while both of these positions have been conceptually useful, they probably oversimplify the more complex social response of the Black community to focused policing methods. The paper begins with a critique ofPolicing The Crisis and suggests that it was this critique that primarily motivated the left realist response. In examining the scope of this response, the paper reviews two specific models of these relationships as proposed in various publications from the realist school. It is suggested that seven hypotheses can be deduced from these models, and that data from the first sweep of the ICS allow some assessment of the empirical support for these models.After examining the empirical evidence from the ICS, the paper concludes that while there is considerable empirical support for the analysis provided inThe Islington Crime Survey, the authors have probably not gone as far in their analysis as the data allow. A further analysis suggests that the response to military-style and focused policing, far from being uniform, is, in fact, bifurcated. In some instances, the very people who are the targets of biased policing practices demand more of the same. A model that depicts the complex nature of this response is provided.  相似文献   

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