冷战后乌克兰的地缘政治思想

冷战后的乌克兰地缘政治研究,着力论说冷战后乌国内地缘政治的形态与特征。乌国内各地区在历史记忆、社会心理上的巨大裂痕是其研究的重点,但在如何弥合国内各地区族群在政治认同方面的分裂现状问题上,却较少提出较具针对性和可操作性的政策主张。在对外地缘战略取向上,乌当代地缘政治学者根据其不同的思想立场,分别得出了倾向各异的政策谋划,对冷战后的乌对外政策产生了明显的影响。     

地缘政治、国际体系变迁与德国外交战略的选择

地缘政治、国际体系与国家对外战略的相关性不言而喻,而对德国外交战略的影响特别显著.1871年以来的德国外交战略可以划分为三个时期:一是俾斯麦时期,二是威廉二世和希特勒时期,三是冷战时期.研究德国外交战略与地缘政治、国际体系的关系,既有利于我们认识德国重新统一后外交战略的趋势,也有利于为我国外交战略的选择提供有益的借鉴和启示.     

德国研究丛书

<正>冷战后德国与中东欧的关系杨烨高歌主编2017年5月出版/98.00元德国与中东欧国家同属中欧地区,彼此在历史、文化、政治、经济和外交方面关系千丝万缕,层层交错。冷战后,在全球化潮流的裹挟下,地缘因素变得十分活跃。欧洲一体化进程中的曲折,也使得欧盟的中东欧新成员对其邻国德国抱以更多外交和发展期许。本书从历史、地缘和文化角度对"中欧"做了追溯和分析,深入探讨了冷战后     

北约东扩:历史地理规律的延续?

北约东扩是“冷战”后欧洲地缘政治变化的主要事件 ,它已取得了令人瞩目的进展。北约东扩有着久远的地缘政治理论根基 ,马汉的“海权论”、麦金德的“陆权论”以及历史上德国的战争地缘政治学和法国的地缘政治学理论无不包含了对欧洲权力意义的论证。本文旨在通过对“海权论”、“陆权论”及德国、法国地缘政治理论中“东进”的主张和新地缘政治学中欧洲联合思想的剖析 ,探究北约东扩的历史地理规律。     

论德国外交与安全政策中的角色冲突

统一后的德国在应对冷战后数次重大国际危机时的外交决策显现出了来回摇摆的特点.本文应用对外政策分析角色理论的研究方法对德国在面对冷战后几次战争时的外交决策进行分析,指出德国政策的摇摆是其外交与安全政策中角色冲突的体现,德国外交的角色冲突最终是通过以宪法法院判决为基础而形成的国内政治共识得到控制的,然而只要外部对德国的角色期望和德国自身的角色认知不一致,以及德国所遵循的国际社会行为规范处于变化之中,德国就会依旧处于国家角色冲突之中.     

“互利共赢”与“相互利用”——冷战后中印在东盟地区的竞争

冷战结束后,随着中印两国经济政治和社会的发展以及综合国力的提高,两国都加强了与东南亚国家的关系。由于地缘政治与经济的影响,中印在东南亚地区存在竞争是客观存在的现实,这些竞争体现了中印对东盟＂互利共赢＂与＂相互利用＂政策的分歧和竞争。但竞争并不等于冲突,关键还要看中印两国实行怎样的对外政策,尤其是相互之间实行怎样的政策。     

冷战后欧、美、俄三边关系的结构变化及其未来趋势

欧盟、美国和俄罗斯三边关系是当今国际政治的一个重要方面。冷战后,欧、美、俄三边关系的变化不能简单地按古典地缘政治逻辑来描述。实际上,这三大政治实体之间发生着非常复杂的思想文化、经济政治以及安全方面的相互关系。这样一种三边关系也是国内政治与其对外政策之间复杂互动的产物。欧、美、俄三边关系的变化预示着一个多元化国际社会的来临。     

从地缘政治角度看冷战后中韩关系

本文从地缘政治的角度分析了冷战后中韩关系的变化及产生变化的原因，探讨了美国因素对于中韩两国地缘政治关系的影响，并对中韩两目的地缘政治需求与选择作了必要的说明。     

地缘政治和俄国的地位

何谓地缘政治 地缘政治作为一门科学理论出现于十九世纪末,创始人为以拉塞尔为首的德国政治地理学派继承人瑞典的切伦。此外,美国的迈亨将军和英国地理学家马金德也是公认的地缘政治学鼻祖。而地缘政治在当时的日本和魏玛共和国受到广泛研究,作为实现日、德扩张野心的理论基础。慕尼黑学院的地缘政治学家华斯豪弗及其同僚的著作是纳粹和“第三帝国”意识形态和政策的理论基础,因此二战后     

论新世纪世界地缘政治的历史性重组

冷战结束后尤其是世纪之交,地缘政治以崭新的时代内涵和多维的现实视角,开始勃现新的理论生机,国际关系中的地缘政治战略开始了历史性重组.本文在把握地缘政治理论发展的历史轨迹、分析世纪之交时代背景的基础上,重点研析了地缘政治的新范式和新特征.本文认为,地缘政治战略的全球化、经济化、多元化、交错化与伙伴化,是地缘政治趋向新范式的构筑中显出来的新特征.新世纪地缘政治重组新特征的强化,将为21世纪初世界战略格局的形成奠定基础.     

福利国家中的社会经济压力和决策者——德国和意大利家庭政策的比较研究

德国和意大利的福利国家制度都是建立在深受基督教民主主义影响的欧洲大陆模式上的,强调以家庭为主的社会保障。但在近十多年里,两国在以家庭政策为代表的社会政策领域却呈现出不同的发展路径。本文运用历史制度主义理论对两国的这一差异进行比较分析后认为,社会经济压力能否对社会福利政策的延续或改变起作用,在于政治参与者是否达成认知上的趋同,从而把握住决定性的时机进行变革。     

从文化共同体到后古典民族国家:德国民族国家演进浅析

长期封建割据造成德国民族国家的形成晚于英、法等传统西方国家。其建立民族国家的路径是先有民族,后有国家。德国民族国家是建立在由血缘、历史、语言、文化等要素构成的"文化共同体"的基础上,这一文化共同体同时也构成了德国民族认同的核心要素。受到历史和地缘政治因素的影响,德国民族国家的发展道路较为特殊,这也决定了其融入西方过程的曲折与漫长。20世纪90年代,两德重新统一后,德国与其他欧盟成员国一样进入后古典民族国家形态,将主权部分地让渡给超国家共同体。德国民族国家目前需要解决的是欧盟治理结构中的"新德国问题"。     

How international competition reinforces corporate governance and product market strategies: The case of Bosch

This paper analyses the impact of intensified international competition on the German corporate governance system by investigating corporate governance and corporate strategy at Bosch. Being a non-listed but highly internationalised company, the case study of Bosch allows one to disentangle the effects of financial and product market globalisation. In order to assess theoretical claims about convergence of German corporate governance towards Anglo-Saxon patterns or continuing divergence – put forward by convergence theory and the ‘Varieties of Capitalism’ approach – four dimensions of corporate governance and strategy are investigated: internationalisation strategy, industrial relations, portfolio policy and product market strategy. The paper argues that international competition in isolation leads to a reinforcement of traditional features of German corporate governance. It finds that Bosch has internationalised vigorously, but followed its traditional style of internationalisation, that co-management of the employees has not come under pressure, that long-pursued diversification attempts have been continued and that Bosch has deepened its product market specialisation.     

Grundzüge des deutschen Parlamentarismus vor 1848

It is not the Confederation of the Rhine that marks the beginnings of early parliamentarism in Germany during the decades preceding the revolution of 1848/49; that phenomenon rather dates from after 1815 and therefore only belongs to the period after the foundation of the German Confederation. The fundamental laws of the Confederation determined that in Germany constitutions should be based on the traditional representative organs of the estates. Thus, most German States representative institutions were established that generally combined elements inherited from the former estates assemblies with more modern parliamentary ones. Only few German States remained without a parliament or restored the ancient representative system of social classes that had functioned until the eighteenth century. It is equally instructive to note that both great German powers of that time, Austria and Prussia, did not have national parliaments until 1848; assemblies of the estates merely existed in individual Austrian crown lands or Prussian provinces. On the contrary, it is in the smaller German States (Württemberg, Bavaria, Baden, and Hessen-Darmstadt were the first among them) that parliaments with political influence and in a modern sense representing the whole people were originally introduced. These states can therefore be considered as pioneers of German parliamentarism.     

Zwischen institutioneller Innovation und Reproduktion

This contribution addresses the question of whether the German corporate governance regime has changed towards the angloamerican corporate governance model in the 1990s. While most approaches within this field of research tend to exclusively focus on functionalist models, this article stresses the impact of power relations on processes of institutional change. Looking at an ambiguous and incremental transformation process, it becomes clear that the dichotomy between continuity and change is not well suited to depict the process adequately. Categories as ?hybridization“ or ?institutional layering“ seem more useful here. While market forces became more important for corporate governance in Germany, traditional mechanisms were — to some extent — reproduced simultaneously. The upshot is a hybrid corporate governance system which is located between coordinated and liberal market economies.     

Constitutionalism and federalism in the ‘future of Europe’ debate: the German dimension

This paper examines some of the constitutional aspects of the ‘Future of Europe’ reform process in the light of interactions between German and ‘European’ federalism. Many aspects of the traditions of German federalism and German post-war constitutionalism have been influential, if not to say formative, for the evolution of the EU. These aspects are set out as a frame for the paper, before more detailed analysis of the constitutional process and a particular focus on the division of competences. The constitutional outcome reveals clear German ‘fingerprints’, though that finding needs to be balanced by a recognition of the constitutional debate as multi-perspectival, involving all member states both separately and collectively.     

德国福利国家的自我校正

经过二战后的黄金发展阶段,德国福利国家模式曾被普遍认为是成功的经济和就业政策的代名词。但20世纪90年代以来,由于经济增长疲软、失业率不断增加,德国模式受到质疑。在全球化和欧洲一体化的外部压力以及国内经济和社会结构转型的内部压力下,具有传统社会保护色彩的德国福利国家模式正在通过进行现代化改革,从困境中寻求新出路。本文将剖析德国福利国家所面临的内外挑战,探讨德国福利国家进行自我校正的内容和方法以及校正过程中利益相关者之间的利益冲突,在此基础上对德国福利国家自我校正的发展方向做出判断。     

German Defence Policy under the Second Merkel Chancellorship

The CDU/CSU/FDP coalition (2009–13) has witnessed the emergence of three important changes in the international security environment: the US ‘Asia Pivot’, the global financial crisis and the fallout from Germany's backseat role in the Libya crisis. This article examines how German defence policy has adapted to this changing context. It explores the reforms which have taken place to the Bundeswehr's structure and military capability procurement process under defence ministers Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg and Thomas de Mazière. The article also looks at German policy toward defence cooperation through CSDP and NATO. The article finds that while some important changes have been enacted to German defence policy, Germany is failing to properly adapt to the changing strategic environment. The article concludes by examining key defence policy challenges facing the government over the 2013–17 legislative period and the implications of the analysis for theoretical debates on German defence policy.     

Attitudes towards German Immigration in South Australia in the post-Second World War Period, 1947-60

Considering the reaction against Germans in Australia during and after the First World War, it is surprising that German immigration to Australia was permitted again soon after the Second World War and even subsidised by the Australian government. Just seven years after the second war fought with Germany within a generation, Australia signed a five-year agreement to permit Germans to immigrate. This article examines the extent of the Australian public's acceptance of this policy during the period from 1947 to 1960. It concentrates on the state of South Australia where some of the earliest settlers in the colony had been of German origin, where their behaviour and achievements had been praised in historical writings about the colony, and where German immigrants may, therefore, have been viewed more positively. Yet there was some suspicion towards and discrimination against Germans in South Australia after 1945. Negative stereotypes of Germans were apparent in comments made by politicians and in press reports. However, these fears were minor and faded even further when more Germans arrived in Australia.     

Between Continuity and Change: Ostpolitik and the Constructivist Approach Revisited

To social constructivists, West German Ostpolitik, as implemented under the social-liberal government of Chancellor Willy Brandt in the early 1970s, is an excellent example of norms and identities influencing foreign policy. According to constructivists, Ostpolitik involves a continuous social process in which decision-makers are increasingly guided by norms such as ‘peace’, ‘reconciliation’ and ‘Europeanness’. However, constructivist analyses of Ostpolitik remain too abstract to answer the question why West German reunification policy was first put on an international sidetrack, before it subsequently took the initiative in international détente and caused national and international political commotion. Only when the constructivist emphasis on the influence of norms is linked to more traditional decision-making models of bureaucratic and government politics, and their focus on political interests, does it become clear that the answer lies in the dynamics of the continuous political struggle between Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and Social Democrats (SPD).