进一步完善党内选举制度

党内选举制度，是衡量党内民主发展水平的重要尺度。只有完善党内选举制度，对党内选举进行缜密的战略管理，才能进一步推进党内民主建设，最终实现以党内民主带动人民民主。     

竞争性选举：党内民主发展的新思路

大量的实际情况表明，党内选举仍然局限于“安排为主，选举为辅”的上级意志，存在金字塔式的逐级上溯的授权机制，如果不改革目前的党内选举制度，就难以实现发展党内民主所要求的权力结构。     

党内竞争性选举:逻辑、动因与困境

竞争性的自由选举对于民主的价值不言而喻。因此,党内选举制度改革一直是党内民主发展的关键和重要突破点,而把竞争机制引入选举又是党内选举制度改革的必由之路。改革开放以来,在中央提出发展党内民主的宏观背景下,一些地区的农村党支部、乡镇党委逐渐开始了竞争性选举试点。本文从阐述竞争性选举与党内民主的内在逻辑关联出发,介绍了目前竞争性选举的不同模式,运用历史制度主义学派的制度变迁理论,分析了党内选举从确认型到竞争型这一变革的原因和动力,最后在总结各地实行竞争选举实践的基础上,对遭遇的现实困境提出了相应的看法。     

协商民主:社会主义民主的重要实现形式

民主的本质在于人民当家作主。选举民主顺利地实现了人民对政府更替的控制,有利于实现人民当家作主,但选举并不等于民主,选举民主也有其内在的局限。协商民主在承认和反思选举民主的基础上应运而生,它有助于使民主更加完美,也是我国实现社会主义民主的重要途径。     

协商民主、选举民主在党内民主建设中的互动

以选举制度的演进为视角,梳理中国共产党探索党内民主建设的历史发展过程,总结中国共产党运用协商民主理念对党内民主建设的实践探索及其现实启示。     

选举民主问题国内研究现状述评

近年来,国内很多学者对选举民主的概念、特征、地位与作用,选举与选举民主的关系,选举民主的局限性,选举民主与协商民主的关系等问题进行了一系列的研究,取得了较多的研究成果。然而,这些研究仍有不足,如对选举民主的概念缺乏明确的界定,对选举民主有效性的分析缺乏系统性,对选举民主局限性的分析缺乏针对性与普遍性,对选举民主与协商民主关系的研究过于空泛,对选举民主自身的完善缺乏相关的研究,等等。因此,明确选举民主的内涵、对选举民主的有效性与有限性作出客观的评价、努力探讨选举民主自我完善的方法与途径,将是我国选举民主问题未来研究的重点。     

从扩大党内民主的角度审视党代表选举工作

发展党内民主是我们党坚持与时俱进，始终保持党的先进性．做到立党为公、执政为民的重要条件。党内选举是实现党内民主的一项根本制度，也是衡量党内民主发展程度的重要标志。作为党内民主选举制度的一个极其重要的环节——党代表选举，对于扩大党内民主有着基础性意义，因此，迫切需要对党代表选举工作进行深入探索和思考。     

论我国建立人大代表竞争性选举制度的必要性与可能性

竞争性选举是近现代社会以市场为核心的经济生活在政治生活中的一种典型反映,是选举制度的核心和灵魂.我国社会主义条件下发展市场经济、民主政治与先进文化的性质和特点以及现行人大代表选举制度中存在的不足,决定了我国人大代表选举制度中建立竞争性选举制度不仅具有必要性而且具有可能性.     

人民民主与党内民主的融合式发展--县乡党政领导干部选举制度改革的路径探讨

人民民主与党内民主在实践中相互交错 ,密不可分 ,两者的联结点突出表现在选举过程中。近年来县乡党政领导干部选举制度围绕候选人的推选方式进行了一系列制度创新 ,逐步显现出人民民主与党内民主融合式发展的新趋势。结合这种趋势和选举中积累的其他经验教训 ,笔者认为今后县乡党政领导干部直接选举时机尚不成熟 ,应充分调动既有的人民民主和党内民主的资源 ,探索出一种既有广泛的代表性 ,又坚持党管干部原则 ,并充分发挥人大代表 (党代表 )作用的选举方式 ,同时完善各项配套制度 ,巩固民主成果     

改革开放40年来我国农村基层协商民主与选举民主的协同演进及其创新发展

依据"实践发展-法律与政策指向-理论回应"的三维分析框架,改革开放40年来我国农村基层民主政治建设进程大体上经历了"选举民主主导""协商民主后来居上""协商民主与选举民主协同发展"三个发展阶段。未来农村基层民主政治建设需要在选举民主与协商民主协同发展的框架下做好两方面的工作:一方面是通过强化制度设计,在坚持协商无果必经投票表决、投票表决前充分协商沟通和重要决策投票表决与一般抉择诉诸协商相结合等原则下建立和完善协商与投票表决衔接机制,致力于促进协商与投票表决机制的有序衔接转换;另一方面是立足于基层民主自治,通过法治、问责、便利化民主参与平台建设和公民教育等途径,致力于提高农村基层民主质量。     

Electoral engineering in Chile: the electoral system and limited democracy

On the eve of Chile's transition from military to elected government, the outgoing regime enacted an electoral engineering project intended to conserve the constitutional order it encoded in 1980. An analysis of 1989 and 1993 general elections shows that the way votes are translated into seats favors, as intended, the second largest electoral block, the Chilean Right. This bias, along with the number of appointed senators and the special majorities required for constitutional amendments, gives the Right a minority veto power on any reform initiative. Moreover, the electoral system produces incentives for parties, candidates and voters that enhances this balance of power. The role that the electoral system plays in Chile therefore consolidates a limited form of democracy, rather than a liberal one.     

选举民主、政治合法性与地方治理——乡镇基层民主发展的若干命题初论

本文从中国农村基层民主发展的内在逻辑出发对基层民主发展的若干问题进行了分析,认为选举式民主是不是中国农村政治发展的方向,将取决于两个内生性变量,即:村民的民主欲求和各地面临问题的性质。文章就选举民主能否增加基层地方政权的合法性进行了分析,指出选举民主只是增强地方政府合法性的途径之一。在民主和政府治理的关系上,作者认为选举民主未必能够提高基层政府的治理水平。目前中国农村基层政改并不存在一种成功模式适合所有地方,因此,不应该以政策或法律的形式强制推行某一种模式,而应该在给定方向和原则的前提下倡导和鼓励各地自主创新,探索适合本地方的政改模式。     

Not all election winners are equal: Satisfaction with democracy and the nature of the vote

It is well known that individuals who voted for the winning party in an election tend to be more satisfied with democracy than those who did not. However, many winners deviate from their first choice when voting. It is argued in this article that the mechanisms that engender satisfaction operate less forcefully among such winners, thereby lessening the impact of victory on satisfaction. Results show that the gap in satisfaction over electoral losers among these ‘non‐optimal winners’ is, in fact, much smaller than that of ‘optimal winners’, who voted in line with their expressed preferences. A win matters more for those who have a bigger stake in victory. The article further explores how the effect of optimal victory on satisfaction varies across electoral systems.     

Nowhere to Run,Nowhere to Hide? The 2010 General Election and the Defence of First‐past‐the‐post

The 2010 general election threw traditional arguments about electoral reform into chaos: defenders of the status quo suddenly found themselves defending outcomes the existing system is supposed to prevent, while advocates of reform were obliged to praise outcomes arising from current arrangements. This article examines the strengths and weaknesses of first‐past‐the‐post in the light of the 2010 result and asserts that—contrary to many claims—FPTP remains a defensible electoral system. In doing so, the article highlights the peculiar political circumstances attending the last general election, while reminding readers that other recent UK elections, conducted under other electoral systems, have not been free of serious anomalies.     

Getting away with foul play? The importance of formal and informal oversight institutions for electoral integrity

Electoral integrity is increasingly being recognised as an important component of democracy, yet scholars still have limited understanding of the circumstances under which elections are most likely to be free, fair and genuine. This article posits that effective oversight institutions play a key role in scrutinising the electoral process and holding those with an interest in the electoral outcome to account. The main insight is that deficiencies in formal electoral management can be effectively compensated for via one or more other institutional checks: an active and independent judiciary; an active and independent media; and/or an active and independent civil society. Flawed elections are most likely to take place when all four checks on electoral conduct fail in key ways. These hypotheses are tested and supported on a cross‐national time‐series dataset of 1,047 national‐level elections held in 156 electoral regimes between 1990 and 2012.     

新中国选举制度六十年发展的回顾与思考

新中国共颁布了两部选举法。其中第二部选举法经历了四次修改、一次补充。建国60年来,我国的选举制度取得了重大进展：享有选举权的主体从有限发展到普遍;选举权的平等性从着眼于实质平等逐渐向统一实质与形式平等方向发展;从记名投票发展到无记名投票;直接选举范围从基层扩大到县级,并逐步向高层迈进;从等额选举发展到差额选举。但选举制度还存在一些问题,需要进一步进行完善,以有力地促进民主政治建设。     

Can't get no satisfaction with the Westminster model? Winners,losers and the effects of consensual and direct democratic institutions on satisfaction with democracy

Are citizens in consensus democracies with developed direct democratic institutions more satisfied with their political system than those in majoritarian democracies? In this article, individual‐level data from the second wave of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and an updated version of Lijphart's multivariate measure of consensus and majoritarian democracy covering 24 countries are used to investigate this question. The findings from logistic multilevel models indicate that consensual cabinet types and direct democratic institutions are associated with higher levels of citizens' satisfaction with democracy. Furthermore, consensus democracy in these institutions closes the gap in satisfaction with democracy between losers and winners of elections by both comforting losers and reducing the satisfaction of winners. Simultaneously, consensus democracy in terms of electoral rules, the executive–legislative power balance, interest groups and the party system reduces the satisfaction of election winners, but does not enhance that of losers.     

The Expenses Scandal and the Politics of Electoral Reform

The scandal over MPs' expenses that erupted in 2009 was followed by a surge in discussion of electoral reform. A range of reforms to Westminster's existing electoral system are now high on the political agenda. This article examines the extent and the nature of the scandal's impact on the electoral reform debate and draws out comparative implications for the sorts of conditions that can force politicians to accept electoral reforms that they do not want. It finds that the expenses scandal significantly changed debate about some electoral reform topics, but not about others. It proposes three factors likely to increase the impact of scandal in sparking reform: that the scandal is seen as harming ordinary people in their daily lives; that reforms can readily be understood as likely to mitigate the sources of scandal; and that those reforms do not seriously harm politicians' own perceived interests.     

试论中国政治发展进程中的乡镇长选举制度改革

目前、四川、山西、广东深圳等地所进行的乡镇长选举制度改革尝试的实质是政治参与水平和层次的提高与扩大，符合中国民主政治发展的长远方向。但在当前这个转型的关键时期，将这种改革尝试向更大的范围和更高的更次推广的时机尚不成熟。对当前的政治发展与政治稳定而言，遏制腐败蔓延比发展政治民主更重要，提高政府能力比扩大政治参与更重要，发展党内民主比发展党外民主更重要。     

Electoral rules,corruption, inequality and evaluations of democracy

Features of electoral systems have been found to have positive effects on evaluations of democracy. This article proposes that there are larger social forces that must be accounted for in such analyses. Using European Social Survey measures of democratic expectations and the ‘satisfaction with democracy’ item, this study tests for effects of electoral rules on perceptions of democracy. It is found that multipartyism/proportionality and preferential ballot structure appear to correspond with positive evaluations of elections and parties, and with greater satisfaction with how democracy is functioning. However, these relationships dissipate when corruption and income inequality are accounted for. This suggests substantial limits to the capacity of electoral reforms to enhance democratic legitimacy. It also suggests that studies of mass perceptions of democratic performance may over‐estimate effects of electoral rules if country‐level corruption and income inequality are not accounted for.