共查询到19条相似文献,搜索用时 140 毫秒
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红色文化是马克思主义与中国实践相结合的产物。马克思主义是红色文化的理论来源,中国共产党领导的革命、建设与改革实践是红色文化的实践基础。红色文化具有民族的科学的大众的精神内核,在不同时期具有不同的表征,在政治、经济、社会、文化等领域发挥重大影响。坚定文化自信,蕴含着红色文化的当代价值,只有克服当前弘扬红色文化的一系列梗阻,才能实现对这一价值的塑造。 相似文献
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历史主动精神是中国共产党在百年来理论与实践的双重互动中磨砺出的鲜明精神品质,也是中华民族在伟大复兴进程中凝聚出的宝贵精神力量。其作为中国共产党一以贯之的特有精神禀赋,具有无比深厚的历史文化底蕴。中华优秀传统文化蕴含历史主动精神的思想根脉,中国近现代革命文化厚植历史主动精神的红色基因,社会主义先进文化积聚历史主动精神的内在力量。深刻认识历史主动精神的文化根基,以历史主动精神推动中华文化繁荣发展、建设中华民族现代文明,是我们在新时代新征程上的重要使命。 相似文献
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当今时代,文化在一个国家和地区发展中的“软实力”作用日益凸显,文化产业也越来越成为各个国家和地区展开竞争的新兴领域和战略支点。河北省第八次党代会报告明确提出:以建设文化强省为目标 推动文化大发展大繁荣,推动文化产业成为支柱性产业。这是围绕党的十七届六中全会精神和建设经济强省、和谐河北的战略目标对文化产业发展提出的新定位... 相似文献
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中华优秀传统文化同科学社会主义价值观主张具有高度契合性。这一契合的突出特点为契合的程度是“高度”,而不是一般的相似;契合具有内生性,更是中国共产党和中国人民主动选择、积极塑造的结果。二者高度契合的原因有文化因素,但最根本的原因在于科学社会主义是救国救民的真理,要使之在中国扎根并指导实践,必须寻求其价值观主张同中华优秀传统文化的高度契合。另外,中国共产党人对待中华优秀传统文化的科学理性态度,也是推动“高度契合”的关键。中华优秀传统文化同科学社会主义价值观主张高度契合体现在宇宙观、天下观、社会观、道德观诸多方面,为“两个结合”奠定了深厚的思想文化基础。 相似文献
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在北美殖民地时期 ,烟草经济的成长导致切萨皮克地区的奴隶人口出现了不断增长和地区扩散的势头 ,并最终实现了奴隶人口的自然增长 ;反过来 ,人口因素的变动又推动切萨皮克地区的奴隶制在运行效率、法律体制和黑人文化等方面产生了重大的社会变革 相似文献
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王石泉 《中国浦东干部学院学报》2023,(3):132-136+82
受一定历史条件和国内外政治环境的影响,国外对中国的历史文化了解得不够全面,对中国共产党认识得不够深刻。中国共产党的形象是中国国家形象的关键一环,加强中国共产党国际传播对树立中国的良好国际形象至关重要。新形势下,加强中国共产党国际传播,缩小中西方认知鸿沟,是当务之急。我们应当明确中国共产党国际传播的重点和难点,通过多种途径和方式,全方位、多渠道、立体化地展现中国共产党的价值理念、精神特质、治理实践、伟大成就,让国际受众形成对中国共产党全面立体的形象认知。 相似文献
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随着农村公共文化服务体系的建立和完善,我国广大农村地区的公共文化有效供给不足问题总体上得到明显改善,但是,仍有不少农村地区特别是一些民族地区农村公共文化存在产品供给主体单一、供给方式固化、供给结构失衡等问题。为此,要进一步拓宽民族地区农村公共文化供给渠道,优化公共文化共建共享机制;尊重民族地区农村群众对公共文化的需求表达,激发他们参与文化活动的热情;健全保障民族地区农村公共文化供给运行机制;提升公共文化产品和服务供给均等化水平。 相似文献
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国家高新区是落实创新驱动发展战略,加快科技创新和产业化,引领我国经济高质量发展的重要载体。通过对河北省国家高新区发展质量的分析,发现存在诸多短板和弱项,仍处于发展规模壮大与发展质量提升并重的关键阶段。“十四五”时期,要牢牢把握“创新驱动发展示范区和高质量发展先行区”的功能定位,从创新、创业、产业、开放、绿色、治理等领域全面发力,以创新驱动为基本路径,以高端创业为内在要求,以产业高端化为坚实支撑,以深度融入双循环格局为必由之路,以绿色发展为必要条件,以治理现代化为重要保障,全方位构建高新区高质量发展系统,以期为其他省区国家高新区高质量发展提供实践参考。 相似文献
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Nora Skopek Kathrin Kolb Sandra Buchholz Hans-Peter Blossfeld 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2012,22(2):163-187
Recently, a growing number of researchers claim that income is only one dimension of social inequality. Neglecting wealth as a more profound measure of an entity??s financial situation can lead to a misleading or even wrong understanding of social inequalities. This article examines the relationship between income and wealth among elderly people in 13 European countries and tries to answer the following two research questions: Are the income-rich also the asset-rich? And what is the composition of wealth within different income groups? The analyses show that higher wealth often goes along with higher income, whereas a high income does not necessarily correlate with high wealth. Instead, in relation to the amount of wealth they possess, the asset-rich do not dispose of a high income. This may be an indicator that income is not the most important mechanism for the accumulation of wealth in the upper part of the wealth distribution. In general the wealth portfolio of asset-rich households is much broader and therefore less ??crises-prone?? than of the asset-poor. Homeownership is the central component in the wealth portfolio of households. For the lowest income quartiles it is often the only meaningful asset. Summing up, the previous income-based definition of poverty and wealth proves to be inadequate. Analyzing wealth in addition to income, it may turn out that the often proclaimed problem of old-age poverty has been either under- or overestimated. 相似文献
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Aslı Yiǧit Gülseven 《中东研究》2017,53(3):332-348
In the mid-nineteenth century pan-Slavic ideology was evident at two levels: at the personal level in N.P. Ignatiev's diplomacy, and at the institutional level in the Slavic Benevolent Committee's activities. Both served to spread Russian influence among the Slavic Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Sultan. The Russian Archives contain a wealth of material related to the Slavic Benevolent Committee and Ambassador N.P. Ignatiev's activities concerning Russia's Balkan policy. The memoirs of the Russian and Ottoman bureaucratic elites also offer great detail on the subject. Relying upon these archival sources and memoirs, this article aims to discuss the transformation of pan-Slavic ideology from a cultural organization into a Russian political asset, with special attention to N.P. Ignatiev and the Slavic Benevolent Committee. 相似文献
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Jean-Louis Romanet Perroux 《中东研究》2019,55(2):200-224
AbstractSix years after the 2011 revolution that toppled the Gaddafi regime, the political transition in Libya is at a standstill. The fragmented security landscape fuels chronic local conflicts, lawlessness, and insecurity, and paralyzes the political transition with destabilizing consequences on its neighbors. What explains the rapid, profound, and lasting security fragmentation that affected post-Gaddafi Libya? Notwithstanding the manifest failures of the international intervention during and after the 2011 conflict, this article argues that the security fragmentation in post-Gaddafi Libya is deeply rooted in domestic economic, cultural, and political factors. In particular, the Libyan economy offers almost no employment opportunities, and the country lacks a unitary government and functioning state institutions that it needs to redistribute its oil wealth. Under these circumstances, Libyans attempt to cope with economic hardship, insecurity, and lawlessness by turning towards their family, tribe, neighborhood, or ethnic group, thereby fueling the fragmentation of security. Libya’s current security fragmentation and instability can be seen as part of the messy historical process of state formation. During this phase, political and security agreements are brokered and institutionalized through localized processes of rebel governance whose realm of possible arrangements are determined by contextual economic, political and cultural constraints. 相似文献
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Jeffrey Hahn 《后苏联事务》2013,29(1):66-85
An American political scientist presents the results of a survey of 1, 280 oblast' and city deputies in five provinces of central Russia. The survey conducted in 1992, assessed support for reforms aimed at development of a market economy and a more democratic political system. Five scales, two economic (including one to determine views on accumulation of wealth) and three political, were developed to measure deputies' attitudes. In addition, the respondents' age, education, occupation, gender and incumbency were used to determine whether attitudinal variation could be explained by demographic factors. The findings are related to the current struggle over control of local resources. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H70, P20, R59. 相似文献
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日本文化资源来源复杂,但经选择性汲取、相互融合、嫁接后发展为具有特色的日本文化,日本文化的表现形式"仪式化"且仪式"精神化"、重视内心的直接体验以及注重结果的"唯美化"是日本文化的三个共性特征,而这也正是日本文化易于被民众接受并被持续传承的主要原因。只有在实现了内部的文化传承、积淀了丰富的文化资源后,才有可能进行文化的外部传播,日本文化资源在海外传播过程中,表现为"传播→反馈→再审视→提升→再传播"的路径,呈现出一种"螺旋式"的海外传播模式。 相似文献
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As the number of rich people in Germany increases, it becomes more and more relevant to ask how they spend their wealth, because among other aspects being rich can be legitimized by social commitment. For example, responsibility can be shown by financial commitment or volunteering. Academic results not only show a rising number of people that are philanthropically active but also an increase in philanthropic behavior in the last two decades. Unlike it is stated in the American literature, social commitment of wealthy people has not yet gained currency in the German literature. In addition, it is little known about inheritance to society beside family transfers after death. Based on the data of the study ??Verm?gen in Deutschland?? (ViD) (Wealth in Germany) the paper discusses these questions for the year 2008. The results reveal a considerably above-average commitment of wealthy households and people. Moreover, 41?% of all respondents plan to fund a part of their wealth for public purposes and charity. 相似文献
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Mark Selden 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3)
AbstractThe century-long debate scrutinizing China's cultural heritage and the road to wealth and power (modernization) reached a crescendo in 1988 with the publication of a best-selling book, performances of a six-part series on national television, and soul-searching discussion culminating in the banning of He shang (River elegy, or Deathsong of the river). Cutting to the heart of the emotional issues pertaining to assessment of Chinese tradition and the West, the debate provides insight into the cultural and political conflicts of the era and the democratic movement of 1989 that it helped shape. 相似文献
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Sarah C. White 《当代亚洲杂志》2017,47(2):247-272
This article explores why dowry inflation persists in Bangladesh, despite the country being widely heralded as a development success, especially with regard to gender. The article asks three questions. Does rural Bangladesh show changing patterns of marriage similar to those reported elsewhere in South Asia and more broadly? What might explain the persistent spread and inflation of dowry payments? How might changes in marriage and the inflation of dowry be related to the broader political economy of development in Bangladesh? Analysis of primary data from rural Bangladesh affirms shifts in norms of marriage arrangement and conjugal relationships, but also emphasises considerable continuity. The political economy of development in Bangladesh is briefly described. Dowry is argued to function not as compensation for perceived weakness in women’s economic contribution, but to bolster men’s. In mobilising “additional” resources, dowries help sustain the economic system and indicate ongoing commitment to cultural idioms of masculine provision and protection, against a background of widespread corruption and political and gender violence. 相似文献