浅谈“网络社会”中的大学生心理健康教育

当今社会是网络信息高度发达的时代,在"网络社会"环境下,高校学生心理健康教育工作的机遇与挑战并存。通过网络了解大学生心理状况,一方面及时发现问题、解决问题,形成良好的校园网络氛围。另一方面利用网络推动大学生心理健康教育的发展,从而保证大学生不受或少受"网络社会"中各种消极因素的影响,已成为当前我国高校心理健康教育工作中面临的主要问题。     

发挥网络信息资源优势 深化思政课教学改革

网络信息资源在思政课教学当中的有效运用,可以有效提高思政课的教学质量,促进思政课的教学改革。发挥网络信息资源优势,深化思政课教学改革的具体措施:优化校园网络资源环境、提升师生的网络素养,构建思政课教学网站、建立网络信息资源的共享机制、运用多媒体技术资源,提高思政课教学的形象性以及利用网络信息资源,进行探究性课堂教学改革。     

"校园网络亚传播圈"现象实证研究

校园网络亚传播圈现象,是指在网络建设和应用比较成熟的高校社区,大学生在信息获取、网际交往以及休闲娱乐等行为上逐渐对校园网络形成依赖.本文对校园网络亚传播圈的存在性进行了实证分析,并初步探讨了这一网络传播现象的成因及其理论意义.     

论网络微博对教学环境的优化作用

信息化已渗透于日常生活之中,合理运用网络技术已成为现代教学的新型趋势,作为教学手段的同时,亦形成全面优化的网络教学环境,通过研究网络微博与高校师生交流互动及其产生的利弊关系,旨在为教学环境的日臻完善提供相关的理论参考。网络微博对教学环境的优化作用如下:微博促进了师生间学术沟通,使学术探讨的平台更宽广;微博为教学环境提供广泛的信息,扩展了教学环境的宽广;微博为师生关系奠定良好的情感基础,成为彼此接纳的桥梁。     

校园网络新闻应对突发事件的传播环境与机制分析

校园突发事件 ,往往集中地体现出校园环境的一些潜在矛盾或管理疏漏。本文试图通过清华大学校园网络环境主要信息流通渠道传播特性的分析 ,结合两年来的新闻实践 ,重点解析了校园网络媒体在突发事件情境下的互动传播规律 ,并且结合案例 ,分析突发事件中的传播对策。     

微博传播环境下高校校园网络舆论环境建设研究

随着时代的发展,网络已成为大多数人沟通和传播信息的平台,而同传统媒体相比,网络信息更随意当然也极易造成虚假信息传播,特别是微博等新兴媒体的出现,传播互动性强,传播速度快。针对微博传播环境下高校校园网络舆论环境建设提出了建设性的策略。     

网络环境视域下大学生思想道德建设探究

网络环境具有双重属性。一方面,网络的开放性、互动性使得网络信息传播高效快捷,改变了大学生学习、社交、娱乐的生活方式;另一方面,网络的虚拟性也使得网络信息更加复杂,真假难辨。大学生群体以其自身的知识储备、学习能力、认知范围等特点成为网络环境的特殊主体,极易受到网络各种各样的信息的干扰,进而影响其健康成长。基于此,我们必须要开展红色校园网站建设、制定网络道德规范、完善网络法律条例、建立网络心理咨询平台、强化大学生网络行为自律。最终达到优化网络环境,提升大学生思想道德素养的目的。     

校园网络舆情的特点及引导策略

迅猛发展的互联网数字时代,大学生是网络使用的最主要群体之一,所形成的校园网络舆情对大学生的成长具有重要影响,各种由此而产生的问题也是高校近年来面临的挑战。从校园网络舆情的界定、构成要素为出发点,分析研究校园网络舆情的特点,并提出相应的引导策略如下:加强对大学生普遍关注问题的调查与研究;加强学校与教师在网络的参与度;加强学生中"意见领袖"的培养。     

高校网络舆情现状研究

网络信息化时代的到来,互联网已成为信息的集散地和社会舆论的放大器。随着网络媒介的发展和移动终端设备的普及,网络化已成为当代大学生新的生活方式,高校网络舆情正悄然兴起。对高校网络舆情现状进行研究,从高校网络舆情的特点入手,通过对高校网络舆情形成的主客观原因的分析,以安徽某高校校园管理类网络舆情为例发现网络舆情话题分布,并在此基础上探究高校网络舆情对大学生群体、思想政治教育的冲击。     

网络化合作教学初探

学界对教学改进的研究已进入到第四阶段,开始以网络化合作作为探索的核心主题。依据其自愿的程度、内部的权力结构和规模的大小等,可以将教学合作网络划分成各种类别。而要建成有效的校际教学网络,则应使各合作学校之间展开共事性协作,形成稳固的探究共同体,使各方皆成为系统思考者。     

防治大学生群体事件 创造和谐校园环境

如何开展有针对性的工作,防治大学生群体事件,确保高校稳定,显得尤为重要。着重分析了大学生群体性事件的产生原因和防治策略,认为应通过法制宣传教育、拓宽政治参与渠道、信息员队伍建设、大学生信访制度建设等措施来预防和处理大学生群体事件,创造和谐的校园环境。     

可追溯机制的逻辑与运用——公共治理中的信息、风险与信任要素分析

可追溯机制在食品质量和药品安全的公共治理中逐渐浮出水面,成为2007年流行的治理模式创新.这一机制主要是一个信息记录的体系,包括了生产者、流通者、消费者和政府监管者四方面要素在内.形成了一个产品循环的网络图.这一机制就是要建立全方位的信息跟踪机制,以产品质量电子监管网为基本栽体,及时追溯每个产品的产地、时间以及其他各方面的信息,一旦出现质量和安全问题, 可以及时追溯主要责任人,让该责任人来承担相关责任.该机制的逻辑是以信息、风险和信任三大要素为基础,并根据这三大要素建立起相应的信息风险责任机制.这一机制对地下市场的治理也有着重要作用.     

Beyond the “Narrow Data Base”: Another Convenience Sample for Experimental Research

The experimental approach has begun to permeate political science research, increasingly so in the last decade. Laboratory researchers face at least two challenges: determining who to study and how to lure them into the lab. Most experimental studies rely on student samples, yet skeptics often dismiss student samples for lack of external validity. In this article, we propose another convenience sample for laboratory research: campus staff. We report on a randomized experiment to investigate the characteristics of samples drawn from a general local population and from campus staff. We report that campus staff evidence significantly higher response rates, and we find few discernible differences between the two samples. We also investigate the second challenge facing researchers: how to lure subjects into the lab. We use evidence from three focus groups to identify ways of luring this alternative convenience sample into the lab. We analyze the impact of self-interest, social-utility, and neutral appeals on encouraging study participation, and we find that campus staff respond better to a no-nonsense approach compared to a hard-sell that promises potential policy benefits to the community or, and especially, to the self. We conclude that researchers should craft appeals with caution as they capitalize on this heretofore largely untapped reservoir for experimental research: campus employees.

Governing Campus Speech: a Bottom-Up Approach

I review arguments favoring bans on problematic speech (e.g., hate speech) on campus. Contrasting such calls for top-down regulation, I explore the potential for a “bottom-up approach” to campus speech governance to address vexing concerns pertaining to campus speech without violating free speech and academic freedom principles. I examine the political economy and epistemological dynamics inherent within the two forms of governance. I argue that, relative to a centralized top-down approach, a decentralized bottom-up approach to speech governance avoids political dynamics that bend toward the inappropriate use of power. Further, I argue that a bottom-up approach leaves the discursive space contestable, and therefore more open to new discovery and correction. Recognizing that a bottom up approach is no panacea, I also consider open questions and concerns that warrant further inquiry.     

微博倒逼制度化反腐的成因及出路

微博反腐正成为自媒体时代中国反腐进程中方兴未艾的现象。微博反腐具有显著的正能量,它借助于焦点事件这种非制度化途径,起到倒逼政府介入腐败案件查处的功效,从而加速体制内反腐的理性化和制度化进程。微博反腐的倒逼机理在于,它把以前只是由反腐机构与当事人掌握的不对称"内部信息",通过微博这种自媒体发酵为路人皆知的"外部信息",从而实现了反腐机构、当事人与社会公众间的信息相对对称。在腐败信息相对对称的情况下,体制内反腐的工作重心将逐步从对焦点案件的被动查处,转变为对制度化反腐方略的主动探求。未来的廉政制度化建设应着力解决三大问题:一是国家廉政制度设计中制度短缺与制度剩余的并存悖论;二是既有廉政制度实际执行力不足导致的"制度软约束"现象;三是选择性反腐的合法性危机。     

人际和谐是营造和谐大学校园的关键

和谐的大学校园,不仅关系到我国高等教育的质量和大学生的综合素质,而且影响到全社会的和谐。"家和万事兴",构建和谐校园必须营造和谐的人际关系。它要求学校要坚持以人为本的理念;建立公平的分配制度;管理者必须坚持民主制度、形成合力。     

The counter-hegemonic role of civil society: Palestinian–Arab NGOs in Israel

This paper deals with the causes and impact of the rise in the number of Palestinian–Arab Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Israel in the last two decades. It provides a multi-level model that combines economic, political and cultural factors to explain the shifts in Palestinian-Arab political mobilization in Israel and as a result to the rise of a complex network of Arab NGOs. The paper demonstrates the way in which the civil institutions and their intensive involvement in public social affairs generate social capital that has internal as well as external political impact. Arab civil society institutions, which operate mainly separately from civil institutions of the Jewish majority, assist in the empowerment and the development of Arab society. They provide services in different fields, such as education, health, and planning. They also advocate and lobby for the rights of the Arab citizens inside Israel and internationally. Arab civil society institutions also provide information necessary for political mobilization, identity formation, and cultural preservation. In this framework the paper claims that they play a counter-hegemonic role vis-à-vis the Israeli state. However, the paper also claims that the broad advocacy and lobbying activity of Arab civil institutions did not manage to fully democratize Israeli policies towards Arab society, demonstrating the centrality of state identity and power structure when it comes to democratization processes. On a different level, the paper reveals that, although the Palestinian–Arab NGOs network has managed to lead to a liberalization process within Arab society, this process is partial and selective.     

Political Brand Communities as Social Network Clusters: Winning and Trailing Candidates in the GOP 2016 Primary Elections

This study integrates a brand community theoretical framework and a social networks approach to the study of political marketing on social media. It analyzes Twitter activity by and about all Republican candidates during the month of January 2016 prior to the Iowa primary caucus. Specifically, it identifies key patterns of information flow and political brand community emergence surrounding each candidate as well as brand social mediators who play influential roles in content flow. Findings detect network clusters - subgroups of siloed users - who converse to exchange information with one another rather than with disconnected others in any given political brand community. We classify these clusters in two groups: direct communities that surround a brand – here, a candidate – and indirect communities that consist of users who talk about the political brands but are not directly connected to the brand. Within this fragmented community structure, brand social mediators have the power to bridge direct and indirect brand communities across the network. Among the winning and trailing brand communities, different sets of brand social mediators, patterns of information flow, and network structures emerge. The findings suggest that the more successful a political brand is in voter polls, the weaker the social ties and relationships are within the brand communities. The interactions between political brands and their direct vs. indirect communities also exhibit different patterns of information flow. While direct brand communities demonstrate a higher level of reciprocity, indirect brand communities show a higher level of density. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.     

关于加强哈尔滨市中小学校园文化建设的对策研究

校园文化是学校教育的重要组成部分,良好的校园文化能引导、鼓舞和激励学生,起到提高学生综合素质的作用。2006年5月,教育部颁发《关于大力加强中小学校园文化建设的通知》后,各地都在不断探索和完善中小学校园文化建设。几年来,我市也非常重视中小学校园文化建设,一些做法得到省市有关领导的肯定,但一些问题也不能忽视。针对问题提出解决措施:一是提高认识,切实加强领导;二是丰富载体,服务校园文化建设;三是开展活动,增强校园文化建设活力;四是多措并举,挖掘学校文化特色;五是努力创新,增强校园文化建设的时代性。     

网络反腐的功能缺陷与完善理路

网络反腐是信息时代新技术在政治生活特别是反腐倡廉领域中的运用。作为反腐新形式和新载体,网络反腐已呈现出效果初显、个性鲜明、势头正兴、期待较高的新态势。与此同时,受拘于主体的认知度、要件的完备性、机制的成熟度和短暂的实践期,作为新生事物的网络反腐也存在着缺陷。解决问题的关键路径:一是在思想认识上,要科学、全面、准确定位,即网络反腐是网络民主和网络政治参与的重要形式,而不是网上反腐与利用网络反腐;网络反腐是反腐倡廉体系的有机部分和新生长点,而不是对既有体系的取代和颠覆。二是在实践操作上,应为网络反腐提供良好的法律、政策与技术支持,构建契合网络民主真义、体现网络机理特征的网络反腐机制。