美国东亚政策的新特点

美国东亚政策是指美国围绕东亚和东南亚所实施政策的总和.这些政策的内容以双边外交关系为主,同时包含了一些超越双边关系的思考.布什第二任期以来,随着占主导地位的政治观念的变化,美国东亚政策出现新特点,开始推行以接触政策为主,相应调整盟友体系、大国关系和其他双边关系的新战略.这种外交战略转型符合东亚地区的政治潮流.但由于对区域主义、大国崛起、日本正常国家化和民族主义这四股地区潮流或历史潜流认识不足或应对失当,美国东亚政策仍存在重大的缺陷和误区.     

美国国会委员会与美国外交政策的制定

委员会是美国国会中的重要机构,事实上承担着美国国会的大量工作,对美国的内政外交都具有巨大的影响。本文在分析国会委员会的发展演变及其特征的基础上,对各委员会在国会外交决策过程中的地位、享有的权力以及施加影响的手段进行详细分析,最终得出结论,美国国会的大部分决策实际上是在委员会阶段完成的。     

试析美国公共外交及其局限

公共外交是指一国政府对国外民众的外交形式。在美国外交史上 ,公共外交有过辉煌的历史 ,也曾一度丧失地位 ,近年重新崛起。“9·11事件”后 ,美国政府在反思“为什么世界憎恨美国”的同时 ,把公共外交视为“挽救美国形象”的战略法宝 ,试图通过公共外交改变国外民众对美国的看法。但是 ,在布什政府“先发制人”的强权政策下 ,公共外交显得苍白无力 ,它反映了美国现行外交政策的一种悖论     

美国外交中的本土主义:历史传统与新发展

美国的本土主义具有悠久的历史传统和社会根基,在历史上曾对例外主义、孤立主义、重商主义、爱国主义和尚武精神等美国外交传统产生影响。近年来,美国的本土主义思想再次上升,其背后有内部思想、经济和外部结构原因,并将在一定时期内成为不可忽视的政治力量。在本土主义影响下,美国外交可能出现防御性单边主义、经济功利主义、单向度的孤立主义等新特征。     

美国社会化媒体外交评析

美国政府通过实施社会化媒体外交,进一步提高了外交效率,增强了外交透明度,获得了更多对外进行交流、实现接触、促进互动、加强影响的机会,对实现美国的公共外交战略具有积极的推动作用。但是,社会化媒体外交是一种"虚拟公共外交",还有许多不完善的方面,它并不能取代传统公共外交,只能是传统公共外交的有益补充。美国推行社会化媒体外交的一些思路、做法和措施,值得我们关注和思考。     

美国人如何看中国及美中关系

要了解美国的对华政策 ,其中很重要的一个方面就是美国的民意。众所周知 ,美国是一个多元化社会 ,民众可以通过各种渠道影响政府决策 ,例如对总统、国会议员和参议员的直接选举 ,与本选区的国会议员和本州的参议员直接联系反映情况 ,在新闻媒体中的公开辩论 ,乃至示威游行。所以 ,美国社会民众对中国的看法会直接间接地影响到美国政府的对华政策。那么 ,美国民众究竟对中国怎么看呢 ?可以用三点来概括 :不太友好 ,高度重视 ,两极分化。(一 )不太友好据芝加哥外交关系委员会的一项调查显示 (ＣＣＦＲＲ 1999) ,1998年美国公众对各国看法的“…     

美国思想库及其对美国外交决策的影响

思想库在许多国家内外政策制定中起着参谋部的作用。它在美国外交政策形成过程中的作用尤为突出,有时是决定性的。了解和研究美国思想库的由来、运作及其对美国外交决策的影响与作用,有助于我们更好地了解美国的外交战略、政策及其决策过程,并从中受到有益的启迪。     

美国单边主义:传统、历史与现实的透视

单边主义是国家对外政策行为方式之一,曾因布什政府在其外交实践中的身体力行而一度备受国际关系学界的关注.实际上,单边主义并不仅仅是布什政府的时兴之作,美国对外政策的孤立主义思想传统、杰克逊主义历史先例以及当前单极世界体制的现实均与其有着某种内在的因果关系,这决定了它在冷战后美国外交中地位的日益凸显.在思想传统、历史先例和单极体制的综合影响下,单边主义有可能成为日后美国对外政策行为的常态.     

“他者”文化与美国外交

从文化的角度看, 美国可以被视为是一种意识形态、一种信仰。“他者”文化是美国 的特有文化, 内容来自于美国的神话传说、宗教信仰以及历史经历。“他者”文化崇尚战争解决方 式, 坚持非友即敌的认同标准, 对美国的外交决策产生了深刻的影响。冷战前后, 美国介入国际冲 突的行为选择就具有鲜明的“他者”文化的特点。21世纪, 随着经济全球化, 人们相互依存程度的 增加, “他者”外交受到了越来越多的质疑     

浅析日本对柬埔寨的援助外交

一、援助外交是日本对柬发展外交关系的重要手段援助外交是日本在政治、军事外交能力薄弱的历史条件下形成的外交手法。由于历史的原因 ,日本在与亚洲国家的交往中 ,难以得到信任 ,援助外交便成为战后日本外交的显著特征。日本外相川口顺子曾表示 ,经济援助是“日本外交的重要手段” ,对维持日本作为世界经济大国“作用巨大”①。在争当政治大国的进程中 ,通过加强经济援助来扩大对他国的影响 ,对于不行使军事影响力和出口武器的日本来说 ,对其推动国家战略转换 ,改变自身国际形象 ,特别是在亚洲人民心目中的形象有重要作用。而在维护和发展…     

美国文化价值观对美国外交的影响

自美国踏上国际舞台之日起,其外交就带有一个明显的特点,即价值观化。以天赋使命观、种族优越论、扩张意识、实用主义等为基本特征的美国文化隐形影响、指导、规范着美国对外政策的制定与实施,并在对外政策中得到充分的体现。同时,美国外交赤裸裸地强行输出美式民主、自由等价值观,这种观念和行为深刻影响着国际社会。     

新一届美国政府对外政策及影响前瞻笔谈

近年来,世界多极化趋势不断发展,美国主导的全球秩序开始显露坍缩征兆。然而,美国仍然保持着当今世界唯一的超级大国地位,其内政外交政策选择一直具有全球性影响。特朗普政府实施的"美国优先"政策对全球秩序造成了严重冲击,特别是对华发动极限施压性的"贸易战"和战略竞争,使中美关系发生严重倒退。特朗普政府随心所欲、极端强硬的执政风格,不仅招致很多国家的激烈批判和反对,在美国国内也引起了巨大争议。美国大选已经落下帷幕,尽管现任总统特朗普仍然没有承认和接受败选事实,但美国政府更迭已经无可逆转。新一届美国政府将采取什么样的对外政策?我们将如何应对美国因政府更迭而发生的政策调整?为加强对美国对外政策的前瞻研究,2020年11月5日,本刊编辑部联合吉林大学经济学院、现代国际关系研究所、东北亚研究院、东北亚研究中心、美国研究所等单位召开了"美国大选后的世界格局与中美关系"学术研讨会,10位专家做了会议发言。本刊选择其中3篇和另外1篇投稿摘要刊发,希望能够促进对美国新一届政府内政外交政策的前瞻性研究。     

American foreign policy: A look ahead

The author reviews recent foreign policy achievements of the U.S. government. Relations with PRC and USSR are seen as having set the stage for further lessening of hostilities. The strong centres of power emerging in Europe and Japan are seen as requiring new frameworks for increasing cooperation, particularly in the areas of military deterrence vis‐à‐vis adversarial power centers and in the establishment of new and more equitable monetary and trading relationships. Relations with Third World countries are discussed. A large thrust of American foreign policy in the coming years is seen as devoted to the creation of a stable international system which is less dependent on the contribution of the United States.     

International officials and the standard of diplomatic privilege

Historically international privileges and immunities, namely those bestowed on international functionaries, have influenced and become entwined with their diplomatic counterparts. Developments in diplomatic privileges and immunities have affected the immunities accorded international persons because 'diplomatic' privilege is still used to define the privileges granted to some international officials. The abuses of and problems raised by international privileges and immunities have been examined by the International Law Commission, which moved to expand them, and the Council of Europe, which moved to contract them. The UN Conference on Representation of States in their Relations with International Organizations, convoked in 1975, ultimately failed to draft a convention acceptable to hosts because the issue had become entangled in so many different agendas.     

Review essay: Minerva's ‘owl dizzy with success’

Richard H. Ullman (ed.) The World and Yugoslavia's Wars (NY: Council of Foreign Relations Book, 1996). Pp.230, index $18.95. ISBN 0–8760–191–5.     

Diplomatic intercepts in peace and war: Chanak 1922

Recent Public Record Office releases of British Foreign Office documents include diciphered diplomatic messages from several European capitals intercepted from 1919 onwards by a department of the Foreign Office called the Government Code and Cipher School (GCCS). These intercepts were called 'bjs' - 'blue jackets', from the blue folders in which they were regularly delivered to a very few top government officials. This paper is based on bjs mainly from French, Italian, American and Turkish capitals and embassies during the autumn of 1922 when a genocidal war was being fought along the Black Sea southern coast between Greece and Kemalist Turkish forces under the future President, Ismet Inonu. What became known as 'the Chanak Affair' led the Powers perilously close to renewing hostilities terminated at the Armistice of 1919. Despite the attention given by Lloyd George, Curzon and Churchill to the implications of the bjs as to Turkish, French and Italian intentions, peace was established on the ground before the end of the year by Inonu and the British C-in-C, General Harington.     

Constructive Development of Sino-U.S.Relations:Intrinsic Logic and Vision Constitution at Non-interest Level

International relations are interactions mainly between states and between international organizations. Since states and organizations are made up of people, these interactions are influenced by human nature. This is the same for Sino-U.S. relations as can be seen by recent developments which show the influences of human thinking and cultural values. The improvement seen in their relations has been cemented by a fostering of mutual understanding and commonality of cultural values. Positive development acquired during diplomatic interactions offer useful lessons for future cooperation. Relations between China and the U.S. can be further improved by learning from history, having a clearer perception and building mutual trust.     

Diplomatic intercepts in peace and war: Chanak 1922

Recent Public Record Office releases of British Foreign Office documents include diciphered diplomatic messages from several European capitals intercepted from 1919 onwards by a department of the Foreign Office called the Government Code and Cipher School (GCCS). These intercepts were called ‘bjs’ ‐ ‘blue jackets’, from the blue folders in which they were regularly delivered to a very few top government officials. This paper is based on bjs mainly from French, Italian, American and Turkish capitals and embassies during the autumn of 1922 when a genocidal war was being fought along the Black Sea southern coast between Greece and Kemalist Turkish forces under the future President, Ismet Inonu. What became known as ‘the Chanak Affair’ led the Powers perilously close to renewing hostilities terminated at the Armistice of 1919. Despite the attention given by Lloyd George, Curzon and Churchill to the implications of the bjs as to Turkish, French and Italian intentions, peace was established on the ground before the end of the year by Inonu and the British C‐in‐C, General Harington.     

从“重返”到“再平衡”——奥巴马政府第二任期的东南亚政策

美国总统奥巴马2009年上台后,对东南亚表现出浓厚的兴趣并高调"重返",推出了一系列加强在东南亚存在的举措。2013年连任后,他将在未来4年继续把东南亚作为"亚太再平衡"战略的着力点。同时,奥巴马政府意识到其东南亚政策也需要进行"再平衡",应放缓军事"重返"脚步,在经济、政治、安全等领域全方位投入,均衡化、长期化地推进东南亚外交。国内财政限制、中东等地区外交挑战和外交人员人事变动等因素会对美国新一届政府的东南亚外交有所制约,但其未来政策走向仍将对中国周边外交和中美关系产生持续影响。     

The virtues of specialization: British and American diplomatic reporting on Russia, 1921-39

While important changes were made to the organization of the British diplomatic establishment in the years after 1918, most senior officials remained committed to the ethos of the 'generalist'. In the United States, by contrast, significant efforts were made to inculcate the virtues of professionalism and specialization among members of the Foreign Service. This paper examines the way in which members of the American and British diplomatic establishments monitored developments in the USSR during the interwar years. It concludes that US diplomats were no better than their British counterparts at interpreting developments in Soviet Russia, despite the fact that they were generally better trained to carry out their duties.