我国人力资源开发问题探析

当前我国人力资源开发面临着五大转变:人口由高增长向低增长转变,劳动力由结构性短缺向总量短缺转变,近期总量过剩向远期总量短缺过渡,由年青型社会向老年社会转变,由低端劳动力为主向中高端劳动力为主转变。面对这五大转变,我国的人力资源开发利用现状却不容乐观,存在着人力资源浪费惊人,人力资源错配问题突出,人力资源可持续开发动力不足,人力资源城乡错位严重,人力资源配置区位矛盾突出,就业增长空间严重不足等问题。要提高人力资源开发的水平,必须保持经济健康快速地发展,鼓励企业长期用工和合理开发人力资源,积极调整教育结构和教育内容,降低劳动参与率。     

人力资源开发中存在的问题及对策

人力资源开发在 2 1世纪的经济竞争中至关重要 ,而我国目前人力资源开发的整体状况不容乐观。必须清醒地认识到我国企业人力资源开发中存在的诸多问题 ,尽早制定我国企业人力资源开发的总体战略规划 ,建立多层次的教育培训体系 ,积极推动人力资源开发的产业化和市场化。     

理工科大学生职业价值观探究

党的十八大和《国家中长期教育改革和发展规划纲要(2010-2020)》明确指出,要努力实现就业更加充分,推动实现更高质量的就业,做好以高校毕业生为重点的青年就业工作。大学生是我国人力资源中较高层次的一类,其就业问题是社会的热点难点问题。着力解决大学生就业问题,促进人力资源持续发展,归根到底需要发挥思想政治教育的力量。     

上海妇女经济参与的社会环境和法律保护

1949年以前,中国经济处于半殖民地半封建的落后状态,中国妇女的就业率一直很低。新中国成立以后,以马克思主义为指导的中国共产党遵循妇女参加社会经济活动是妇女解放的先决条件的理论,在经济恢复和发展的进程中,一直倡导妇女走出家门,参加社会生产劳动,制订了一系列保护妇女劳动就业权益的法律法规,使中国妇女的就业率一直保持在很高的水平,城镇妇女的就业水平长期保持在98%左右。     

现代化建设必须重视人力资源的开发

搞现代化建设和西部大开发，必须把战略重点放到开发人力资源、实现人的现代化上。为此，要确立人力资源是我国第一资源、人才开发战略为现代化首选战略、人力资源和人才开发投资应该成为最优先投资的观点。要落实计划生育和发展教育并举，开发物质资源和人力资源并重，开发技能和提高素质并行，普通教育和职业教育并进，面对面教育和远距离教育并存等项重大措施，加速我国国民素质和劳动者技能的提高，为现代化建设提供全面的智力支持和坚实的人才保证。     

健全和完善科学有效的劳动就业权保障机制

社会转型中我国劳动者平等就业权遭遇侵害的状况时有发生,影响劳动者平等就业权实现的有经济原因、制度原因、文化原因、法律原园等.我们要健全和完善以人为本的就业权保障机制,要建立和完善政府促进充分就业的责任机制.要健全统一规范灵活的人力资源市场,要健全面向全体劳动者的职业教育和培训制度,要完善就业权的法律法规,依法保障人民群众的就业权.     

二孩生育与城市妇女就业的“互相关”——一个经济学分析视角北大核心

二孩生育与城市妇女就业是一个互相关过程:二孩生育对城市妇女就业存在负面影响,同时城市妇女就业参与也会降低二孩生育水平。从经济学视角分析,主要原因是二孩生育与妇女就业的相对机会成本高和生育的边际成本高。缓解城市妇女生育和就业的矛盾,经济措施包括转移企业承担的生育成本、实施家庭津贴制度、规范和发展家政服务市场。     

二孩生育与城市妇女就业的“互相关”——一个经济学分析视角

二孩生育与城市妇女就业是一个互相关过程:二孩生育对城市妇女就业存在负面影响,同时城市妇女就业参与也会降低二孩生育水平。从经济学视角分析,主要原因是二孩生育与妇女就业的相对机会成本高和生育的边际成本高。缓解城市妇女生育和就业的矛盾,经济措施包括转移企业承担的生育成本、实施家庭津贴制度、规范和发展家政服务市场。     

论农村女性人力资源开发与人口素质的提升——以黑龙江省为例

女性作为人口再生产的主要承担者,她们的生理素质、心理健康状况、思想道德修养以及抚养教育能力的优劣直接影响到下一代.面我国农村女性人教众多,园此要提高我国人口素质,必须着重提高农村女性的素质.加强农村女性教育工作,增强政府工作的性别意识,提高农村女性的教育主体意识是加强农村女性人力资源开发工作的有效途径和方法.     

妇女就业与妇女解放

记者:目前,对妇女解放这个概念存在着各种各样的说法,特别是在妇女就业与妇女解放的关系上,更是众说纷纭,有人甚至主张,中国劳力过多,妇女应当“息工”回家。你可否先谈谈对这些问题的看法? 邓仲华(中国妇女管理学院副教授):首先是要对“妇女解放”有个正确的理解,马克思指出:“任何     

Policy Developments for Workplace Gender Equity in a Global Era: The Importance of the EU in the UK

abstract This article asks whether attempts to achieve gender equity in the workplace are limited by globalization. On the one hand, globalization has been seen to curtail ambitions for equity in employment because of the increased power of global capital as compared with labor, including within the state. On the other hand, there are two counter tendencies. One is the modernization of the gender regime, which has restructured gender inequalities and developed new political constituencies among women, and the other is the development of new polities, in particular the European Union, in response to the perceived challenge of globalization. I investigate the impact of these crosscutting changes on policies aimed at gender equity in the workplace in the UK. I consider data on changes in gender equity in the workplace and developments in employment policy, especially increased education and the changing regulation of working time and equal opportunities policies. The article concludes that globalization does not lead to the weakening of all polities, that the EU has become increasingly powerful in the context of globalization, and that despite the weakening of labor, the increased education of women and the increased articulation of women's political voices has led to improvements in some dimensions of the position of some women in employment.     

全面二孩视域下我国推进就业性别平等的立法构建

男女两性就业机会、获取报酬、晋升等平权是男女平等原则在经济领域的具体体现。一直以来,女性在孕、产、哺乳期阶段的就业、酬劳、晋升仍面临不同程度的困难。虽然我国立法对女性就业保障有系列规定,尤其是2018年针对女性在孕、产、哺乳期的就业歧视,有关部门颁布了具体细致的“禁令”,其核心要义是让全面二孩政策付诸落实。但专门立法的缺失、现行立法的零散及层级低下无法有效应对当下生育意愿低迷,进而影响人口出生率低下的现象。应当以人口红利衍生的性别红利理论为导向,结合我国港台地区推进就业平等的立法经验,以此构建推进性别平等、追求性别红利,最终提升人口数量的法律制度。     

The link between demographic events: a study of nuptiality patterns

The author examines links between the timing of various major life events (including women's age at marriage and the spacing of children) and the economic and urban development of a society, using Mexico as an example. The focus is on marriage patterns. She finds that nuptiality influences rural-urban migration for women, as do age and socioeconomic factors and husband's employment status. Data are from the Mexican Fertility Survey for the period 1976-1977. (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

家庭依附、人力资本与女性青年的劳动参与——来自湖北省的数据

本文以2009年湖北省4442份城乡居民抽样调查数据为样本,采用计量经济学的方法,实证分析了家庭依附和人力资本对青年女性劳动力劳动参与的影响,并就我国女性劳动参与决策影响因素做了城乡对比分析。研究发现,女性的人力资本和家庭依附因素对城乡女性的劳动参与有着显著的影响,但是其劳动参与决定存在着城乡差异。在劳动参与方面,农村女性的家庭依附性较之城市女性更强一些,而人力资本变量对城市女性劳动参与的影响更大,年龄、文化程度、迁移以及工作流动性都对城市女性劳动参与影响显著。我国城乡女性劳动参与一年龄曲线呈M型,有着明显的阶段性就业特征。     

FAMILY POLICIES, WOMEN, AND THE COLLECTIVE INTEREST IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA

This paper analyzes marriage and divorce reform and family planning policies in the People's Republic of China in the context of the state-defined collective interest. A theoretical examination of the contradictions between women's liberation and the Marxist defined economic and political concerns of the state shows that liberation cannot be achieved until the state acknowledges the values of social reproduction and family nurturance. The empirical discussion of recent reforms in family policies in China points to the continuing manipulation of women's interests by the state. The tendency of the PRC government to make policy based on narrow economic considerations results in the maintenance of a system in which women's special interests are exclude from the collective interest and thus denied legitimacy.     

Work,fertility, and the status of women in Mexico

Among the major transformations affecting Mexican women in recent decades were their growing participation in the labor market and the fertility decline that began in the 1970s with widespread access to contraception. Data from 3 major Mexican fertility surveys, employment surveys, and censuses are used to analyze changes in female employment and their determinants during the years of economic recession in the 1980s. The main characteristics of the Mexican fertility decline are described, and the relationship between fertility and female employment before and during the economic recession is scrutinized for different social sectors. Suggestions for research on the affects of these changes on the social condition of Mexican women are then presented. The proportions of Mexican women over 12 years old who declared themselves economically active increased from 16% in 1970 to 21% in 1979 and 32% in 1987. Until the 1970s the majority of employed women were young and single or childless. But a clear increase occurred between 1976-87 in the economic participation of older women in union. Economic participation of low income and less educated women increased as they sought work or created their own in response to deteriorating living conditions during the recession. Young women with intermediate or higher educational levels did not increase their relative presence in the labor market in the same period. The marked increase in economic participation of less educated women in union with small children was accompanied by a significant increase in manual occupations. Between 1982-87, the proportion of women aged 20-49 in nonsalaried manual occupations rose from 7.6% to 18.5%. Mexico's fertility decline has been well documented. The total fertility rate declined from 6.3 in 1973 to 3.8 in 1986, while the percentage of women in union using a contraceptive method increased from 30.2 in 1976 to 52.7 in 1987. Fertility differentials have been declining but are still considerable. The inhibitory influence of children on female labor force participation in Mexico is clear, but in the years of economic recession the most notable increase in female workers was in women with 3 or more children of whom the youngest was under 3. It appears that the influence of children on women's employment depends on the socioeconomic status of the woman as well as on the dynamism or sluggishness of the labor market. Research is needed on the significance of changes in fertility and female employment for women's status in Mexico. Several recent works have presented results of microsocial analyses of the ways in which women experience changes in their lives resulting from fertility and employment decisions. A methodological strategy for studying these changes and their influence on women's status should focus on comparisons between different generations and birth cohorts, different types of employment, and different socioeconomic statuses. Both macrosocial and microsocial forms of analysis are needed to provide a full picture.     

Female migrant workers in Santiago,Chile, during the 1980s

The author examines the status of female migrant workers in Santiago, Chile, in the 1980s, with a focus on the level of poverty and social inequalities. Aspects considered include "the dramatic transformation in domestic service, the increase in the number of non-migrant, lower class women participating in the economy, and the limited and precarious status of women's employment in the more dynamic sectors of the economy." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Gender-Related Political Knowledge and the Descriptive Representation of Women

Past scholarship has documented that women tend to know less about politics than men. This study finds that political knowledge of one kind—knowledge about the actual level of women's representation—is related to support for having more women in office. Individuals who underestimate the percentage of women in office are more likely than individuals who know the correct percentage to support increasing women's representation. Meanwhile, individuals who overestimate the percentage of women in office are less likely to support increasing women's representation. Ironically, women are more likely than men to overestimate the presence of women in office. I also find that gender predicts support for having more women in office, with women more supportive than men. Women would be even more supportive of electing more women to office if they were as knowledgeable as men about the extent of women's underrepresentation.     

Beyond compare? Women's movements in comparative perspective

Abstract. This article reviews a selected range of comparative political research on women's movements, a subfield of political science whose recent proliferation now positions it at the leading edge of women and politics scholarship. Recognizing that "women" as a category of research is of necessity heterogeneous and informed by differences of race, class, ethnicity, nationality, generation, and religion, the article argues that this complex intersectionality need not mean that women's movements are beyond the scope of comparative political research. Rather, as the research focus of women and politics scholars has become increasingly carefully specified, general patterns are evident in the research that should serve to advance the comparative study of women's movements and comparative political research more generally. The article focuses on definitional challenges and the limitations of conflating "women's movements", "feminist movements", and "women in social movements", and discusses four major research arenas within which cross–national commonalities among women's movements are evidenced. These include the relationship between women's movements and political parties; "double militancy" as a potentially distinctive collective identity problem for women's movement activists; the extent to which political opportunities for women's movements are (or can be) gendered; and the relationship between women's movements and the state. The article concludes with suggestions for future research in the subfields of comparative women's movements and comparative politics.