基于最适课税理论的税制结构优化研究

“优化税制结构”是党的二十大报告对我国税制改革提出的总要求。运用最适课税理论优化税制结构,既要处理好税制结构体系中所得税与货劳税的“双主体”合理搭配问题,适当降低货劳税收入占比,增强所得税的主体地位,不断优化“双主体”税制结构体系;也要从最适商品课税理论视角,进一步深化增值税、消费税等改革,恢复增值税中性税收属性,体现消费税对扭曲性商品课税的特征,发挥货劳税的收入功能和调控功能,实现优化资源配置、营造公平竞争的税收环境、降低货劳税等间接税收入占比的税制结构;更要从最适所得课税理论视角,通过改革企业所得税、完善个人所得税、推进房地产税改革和择机开征遗产税、赠与税等,发挥税收在调节收入分配、缩小贫富差距、规范财富积累等方面的作用。     

刍论我国社会公平收入分配的税收制度安排

目前,我国收入分配差距呈现逐渐加大之势,加速推进收入分配制度改革刻不容缓。引起我国居民收入分配差距不断扩大的税收原因主要在于税制结构不合理和个人所得税存在缺陷。因此,应从这两方面入手,尽快开征社会保障税、遗产税及赠与税,完善支持第三次分配格局形成的税收政策,重新确定个人所得税模式和纳税单位,建立个人收入监控体系,充分发挥税收在公平收入分配中的作用。     

控制收入分配差距与个人所得税制改革

随着社会经济的发展,收入分配差距在我国日益扩大。个人所得税是政府进行收入分配调节的重要手段,而我国现行的个人所得税制基本上没有起到调节收入分配、缓解贫富差距过大的作用。因此,对个人所得税制进行改革已势在必行。而在个人所得税制改革中,单一税制模式不可取,综合与分类相结合的混合税制模式也不宜行,综合税制模式才是最佳选择。     

公平视角下我国个人所得税改革研究

个人所得税作为最能体现社会公平的税种,其改革必须将"税收公平原则"置于首位。我国于2019年1月1日起正式实施的新个人所得税法却存在有与税收公平原则相悖的诸多问题,比如,基本减除费用标准和专项附加扣除标准没有体现地区之间的差异,税率的设计没有真正起到调节收入分配和缩小贫富悬殊的要求,信息的不充分、不对称和税收征管技术手段的不到位导致税源流失较为严重,造成税负分布不合理,等等。因此,必须通过改革我国个人所得税的税制模式,调整税负结构,完善专项附加扣除,实行差别化的基本减除费用标准和专项附加扣除标准,优化税收征管模式等手段,才能真正发挥我国个人所得税调节收入分配、缩小贫富差距、维护社会公平正义的功能。     

我国个人所得税调节收入分配的研究

近年来我国经济高速发展,但财富分配不均匀,贫富差距扩大问题突出,这将不利于我国经济的长期发展社会的和谐、稳定.个人所得税作为政府调节社会财富分配的重要税种,理应在调节收入分配,控制贫富差距扩大的问题上发挥重要作用,但由于我国个人所得税税制设计、整体税制结构、个人所得税税收征管及相关配套措施方面存在的问题,个人所得税在我国很难发挥出像西方发达国家那样的强有力调节作用.本文从上述几点剖析了目前我国个人所得税存在的主要问题,并给出了相应的解决措施.     

马克思分配正义语境中的税收调节理论及其现实指导意义

按照马克思主义的分配正义理论，按劳分配中的不公平仍然需要政府进行调剂；一定的扣除和分配必须通过政府的权威性以及立法的形式来实施，而税收是唯一通过法的形式来筹集财政收入的渠道；“按劳分配”与“按需分配”的实现都需要发挥税收的调节作用，真正的按劳分配通过税收的调节和相应的社会保障、转移支付等措施必然会导致共同富裕；但税收的征收应体现公平，应采取量能负担的原则，收入多者多缴税，还应考虑家庭人口的多少，相比利润、公债等形式，税收在调节收入分配上具有不可替代的作用；税收调节的最终目标是社会公平，而其中，直接税比间接税对高收入者的调节作用更大等。这对税收政策的制定和新一轮税制改革具有重要的指导意义。税制改革的目标应由以往的效率激励向公平、正义、有序转变。加快推进以调节收入再分配为导向的直接税体系建设，构建以完善的个人所得税为主体，以财产税和社会保障税为两翼，其他税种相互协调配合的税制体系，完善鼓励公益捐赠的税收激励机制。     

再分配公平与社会公平问题探析——基于再分配公平双重内涵的分析

相对于初次分配中的市场公平而言,再分配是基于维护人的基本权利和实现社会和谐稳定而进行的,它要实现的是社会公平.在再分配过程中,无论是政策、措施的制定还是实施都要体现公平原则,但目前我国在税收、社会保障和转移支付方面却存在着种种问题.因此,要实现社会公平,必须解决再分配过程中的不公平问题,建立有效的收入分配税收调控体系,完善社会保障制度,加大和规范财政转移支付力度.     

收入分配机制:共享发展视野下的理论新思

"十三五"建议规划中所提出的共享发展理念为形成合理的居民收入分配机制指明了方向。在共享发展视野下,收入分配机制的完善需要根据不同的收入分配机制主体的作用,按照市场、政府和社会三种并行不悖的机制类型来调整和改革。其中,收入分配市场机制应以实现参与性分享为目标,厘清政府与市场的关系;收入分配政府机制应以实现矫正性分享为目标,建立合理有效的税收调控机制和纵横交错的中央和省级转移支付模式,并消除推行实行社会保障权利均等化的体制性障碍;收入分配社会机制应以实现补偿性分享为目标,从慈善立法、慈善组织自身建设和外部监督等方面入手,重塑慈善组织公信力。     

央地分税未来路径

中央与地方分税改革的演进过程及当下特点,对未来改革路径具有启示意义在我国,中央与地方政府间税收的划分,不仅是政府间财政利益的分配,而且也会影响到资源配置的效率、税收调控功能的发挥、税收的行政效率以及地区间的收入分配等诸多重大问题。央地分税现状及特征依据财权事权相结合的原则,我国1994年实施的分税制改革将税收划分为     

我国将对个人所得税加大征管力度

随着我国经济的发展以及税务制度的完善与加强,作为增加国家财政收入、调节社会成员收入分配的个人所得税展示出了巨大的潜力。在1997年刚刚过去的税收宣传月中,个人所得税作为宣传重点再次引起人们的普遍关注。据记者从国家税务总局了解,自80年代正式开征的个人所得税获得了巨大发展,收入由1981年的500万发展到1996年的193.06亿,1996年增幅超过GDP和工商税收的增幅,达到46.8％,是继1994年税制改革以来又一个快速增长年。个人所得税占工商税收的比重上升到了3％,在一些地方甚至成为主要税种,如在北京地方税收中个人所得税收入已达到了第二位。据行内人士预测,1997年个人所得税收入将会再上一个台阶,突破200亿。     

Performance measures in tax administration: Chile as a case study

The article proposes a set of tax administration performance measures and contrasts them with measures actually used by the Chilean tax administration agency. The goals assumed for the tax administration agency (TA) are to maximize tax revenue collection and provide quality services to taxpayers. Ideal performance measures (PMs) would measure the deviation of actual outcome from a best‐practice standard, given the value of all variables affecting organisation performance that are outside management control. The key challenge is to build and calculate these best‐practice outcomes. In Chile the PM in use, for the first goal, is the ratio of actual to potential tax revenue collection. This PM does adjust revenue collection for variations in the tax structure and rate, but it fails to control other variables that affect performance such as the TA budget and per capita income. The PM in use, for the second goal, is taxpayer satisfaction measured through sample surveys. This seems the appropriate PM, as quality of taxpayer services depends directly on the TA efforts to improve them. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

How fair? Changes in federal income taxation and the distribution of income, 1978 to 1998

In this paper, we determine how tax law and income distribution changes have separately contributed to the changes in tax progressivity over time, and also how a specific pre‐tax distribution of income affects the equalizing ability of a given tax change. We use information from the Current Population Survey for years that follow immediately after significant tax law changes or after the full enactment of these changes to measure the effect of income taxes on income distribution for selected years over the period 1978 to 1998. We find that, even when account is taken of the induced effect of changes in federal income tax laws on pre‐tax income, the individual income tax structure has been less successful in equalizing after‐tax income since the 1980s and into the early 1990s. We also find that a given tax law's equalizing effect on the distribution of income is significantly affected by the pre‐tax distribution of income. © 2005 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.     

The political trend in local government tax setting

Previous fiscal studies have paid little attention to the effects of social interaction on local tax setting. This paper seeks to fill this gap by developing a theoretical model in which politicians belonging to the same party interact with each other in order to draw inferences about ideology. This phenomenon produces a mimic effect which is called the political trend. The results of the analysis show that the political trend gives rise to higher income tax rates and to tax mimicking at the local government level. The framework developed also makes it possible to discriminate between Leviathan-type and welfarist-type politicians. The results show that the former are more sensitive than the latter to changes in the average income tax rate of their peers. Moreover, Leviathan-type politicians are less sensitive than benevolent ones to changes in the central government’s income tax rate.     

Tax exporting,federal deductibility,and state tax structure

This paper studies the interaction between the federal and state tax systems during the 1980s and, in particular, considers how the Tax Reform Act of 1986 affected state tax structure. Using a panel data set on state governments over a nine-year period, I estimate tax share equations for six categories of taxes. I find that the state personal income tax is sensitive to changes in its tax price, but find a much smaller sensitivity to changes in tax prices for the general sales tax. I then consider various reasons why the sales tax does not exhibit a sensitivity to changes in tax price and consider the implications of these results for policymakers. The regression results suggest that different income groups are concerned with different tax instruments. Moreover, the results motivate a possible benefit approach to taxation at the state level. Linking taxes, about which a particular income group is most concerned, to services received by that group might generate additional political support for state tax systems during a time when many states are facing fiscal crisis.     

State income taxation with mobile labor

The ability of state and local governments to use tax and other fiscal policies to redistribute income may be limited when labor is mobile. An analysis of the allocative and distributional effects of a state income tax shows that, by driving out taxed households, the burden of the tax may be shifted to immobile households and other owners of immobile factors of production and may impose an excess burden on them. The NBER TAXSIM model is used to calculate state income tax burdens for representative high-income households in 1986–1988. Further calculations based on assumed demand elasticities for labor indicate that if high-income households are mobile, the marginal excess burden of income taxes imposed on them may be of substantial size in certain states, especially among the highest income groups.     

The low income housing tax credit and racial segregation

This paper addresses a critical but almost unexamined aspect of the Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) program – whether its use (and in particular, the siting of developments in high-poverty/high-minority neighborhoods), is associated with increased racial segregation in the metropolitan area. Using data from the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) and the Census, supplemented with data on the racial composition of LIHTC tenants in three states, we examine three potential channels through which the LIHTC could affect segregation: where LIHTC units are built relative to where other low income households live, who lives in these tax credit developments, and changes in neighborhood racial composition in neighborhoods that receive tax credit projects. The evidence on each of these channels suggests that LIHTC projects do not contribute to increased segregation, even those in high poverty neighborhoods. We find that increases in the use of tax credits are associated with declines in racial segregation at the metropolitan level.     

完善地方税收法律体系的相关问题

本对完善地方税收法律体系的相关问题进行了讨论，认为：走出思想认识上的误区，是完善地方税收法律体系的前提；理顺中央与地方的财政关系，是完善地方税收法律体系的基础和保障；优化地方税种配置，是完善地方税收法律体系的中心内容；建立统一的、多层级的地方税收规范体系，是当前完善地方税收法律体系的首要任务。     

Rawls's Difference Principle as Compensation for Social Immobility

Outside academia, John Rawls's theory of justice—justice as fairness—has had little impact. This article is part of a broader project to rectify this. I offer a distinctive, second‐best, argument for Rawls's difference principle. The difference principle requires that inequalities in income and wealth are justified only if they benefit society's least‐advantaged citizens. My paper argues that, slightly‐modified, the difference principle is an excellent principle of redress in light of the UK's continued failure to give all citizens fair career chances. I show how we might realize the difference principle at the level of policy through tax rate reductions or negative tax rates. I conclude that if you don't want to accept the second‐best argument for the difference principle you must get serious about giving all citizens fair career chances. As I suggest, this task is extremely difficult.     

Vertical equity consequences of very high cigarette tax increases: If the poor are the ones smoking,how could cigarette tax increases be progressive?

Cigarette smoking is concentrated among low‐income groups. Consequently, cigarette taxes are considered regressive. However, if poorer individuals are much more price sensitive than richer individuals, then tax increases would reduce smoking much more among the poor and their cigarette tax expenditures as a share of income would rise by much less than for the rich. Warner (2000) said this phenomenon would make cigarette tax increases progressive. We test this empirically. Among low‐, middle‐, and high‐income groups, we estimate total price elasticities of _0.37, _0.35, and _0.20, respectively. We find that cigarette tax increases are not close to progressive, using both tax expenditure‐based and traditional welfare measures. This finding is robust to cross‐border purchasing, generic cigarettes, and substantial external effects. However, we find that taxes can be progressive under some behavioral economic models (Gruber & Koszegi, 2004) but that these may only apply to a small share of smokers. © 2008 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.     

THE EFFECT OF RECENT TAX CHANGES ON TAXABLE INCOME: CORRECTION AND UPDATE

This article is a Commentary on Bradley T. Heim ( 2009 ), The effect of recent tax changes on taxable income: Evidence from a new panel of tax returns,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 28, 147–163. doi: 10.1002/pam.20406 . This note provides corrected estimates of the elasticity of taxable income to the net of tax share using a panel of tax returns that follows a random sample of taxpayers from 1999 to 2005, spanning the EGTRRA 2001 and JGTRRA 2003 tax changes. Two errors were corrected: the specification of income splines, and the subtraction of capital gains income from the dependent variable. Though the original results are largely robust to the first change, they are not robust to the second. The corrected estimates suggest that the elasticity of taxable income to the current year's net of tax share is small and statistically insignificantly different from zero.