社会主义制度与资本主义制度不可能“趋同”

在社会科学领域中,资产阶级自由化思潮的一个重要表现是抹杀社会主义制度同资本主义制度的根本区别,鼓吹“趋同论”或“融合论”,其目的是要使社会主义变为资本主义.因此,认真分析和批驳“趋同论”,是坚持四项基本原则,反对资产阶级自由化斗争必须予以重视的问题。     

中共浙江省委书记王芳认为——加强党的领导和改进党的工作必须并重

中共浙江省委书记王芳日前在全省党的建设工作座谈会上指出,为使反对资产阶级自由化斗争和经济建设工作都能顺利进行,加强党的领导和改进党的工作两者必须并重。因此,在指导思想上有下列关系需要讨论清楚: 一、坚持四项基本原则同坚持改革、开放、搞活的关系。 王芳说,坚持四项基本原则,反对资产阶级自由化的目的是为了把改革、开放继续引向深入。现在改革、开放还刚刚开始,有的还未破题,不是过头了,而是“活”得不够,“放”得不开,还要进一步解放     

用资产阶级自由化颠覆社会主义国家是帝国主义的一贯政策

近几年来,有些人借改革、开放之机,发表各种背离四项基本原则的言论,使资产阶级自由化思潮在一些地方泛滥开来,部分青年学生受到影响和毒害,在自由和民主等一些问题上,有很多模糊和错误的观点,做了一些使亲者痛、仇者快的事情。实践证明,坚持四项基本原则,反对资产阶级自由化,是关系到我们国家的命运和前途的至为重要的问题。只有坚持四项基本原则,同资产阶级自由化思潮进行坚决和长期的斗争,才能保证将我国建设成为具有中国特色的社会主义国家。如果否定四项基本原则,搞资产阶级自由化,就会把我国引向资本主义道路,重新沦为帝国主义的附庸。资产阶级自由化,是帝国主义颠覆社会主义国家的特殊武器。用资产阶级自由化颠覆社会主义国家,是第二次世界大战以后帝国主义的一贯政策。     

对“自由、平等、博爱”的再认识

长期以来,“自由、平等、博爱”这些观念一直被认做是对社会主义毫无益处的资产阶级口号而冷落到一边。现在,《中共中央关于社会主义精神文明建设指导方针的决议》对这几个观念做了重新评价,指出:“在人类历史上,在新兴资产阶级和劳动人民反对封建专制制度的斗争中,形成民主和自由、平等、博爱的观念,是人类精神的一次大解放。马克思主义批判地继承资产阶级的这些观念,又同它们有原则的区别”。这是我党在思想理论方面的又一重大突破。     

应当批判地继承“法律至上”论

“法律至上”论这个资产阶级法学观点能否批判继承,是关系到我国社会主义法制建设的一个重要问题。本文就这个问题谈一点看法。1、“法律至上”论是以洛克、孟德斯鸠、卢梭等资产阶级启蒙思想家和法学家为代表的近代自然法学派提出来的。自然法学派的代表人物,大都是同封建主义斗争的勇士,是资产阶级革命的先驱,他们提出“法律至上”论,同他们提出“天赋人权”、     

中国的问题关键是把共产党内部搞好

一、坚持和改善党的领导邓小平指出，四项基本原则是立国之本，而坚持党的领导，则是四项基本原则的核心。在中国这样一个大国，没有共产党的领导，必然天下大乱，四分五裂。1986年12月，邓小平关于学生闹事问题在同几位中央负责同志的谈话中指出：“中国没有共产党的领导、不搞社会主义是没有前途的。这个道理已经得到证明，将来还会得到证明。”（《旗帜鲜明地反对资产阶级自由化》，第195页）邓小平认为，资产阶级自由化的要害是反对社会主义、反对共产党。这是决不能允许的。他说：“搞资产阶级自由化，否定党的领导，十亿人民没有凝聚…     

邓小平对党的思想路线的丰富和发展

实事求是的思想路线是我们党的生命线.邓小平同志指出;“过去我们搞革命所取得的一切胜利,是靠实事求是;现在我们要实现四个现代化.同样要靠实事求是.”(《邓小平文选》第133页).文化大革命以后,我们党和邓小平同志为坚持实事求是的思想路线而进行的斗争是在两条战线上展开的,一条战线是纠正“文化大革命”及以前的“左”的错误,反对“两个凡是”的错误倾向;另一条战线是反对怀疑和否定四项基本原则的资产阶级自由化的错误倾向.正是在这种复杂的斗争中,重新恢复了党的实事求是思想路线,并在     

消除党内腐败现象的对策

一、坚持在党的领导下开展反腐败斗争反腐斗争由谁来领导,这是一个政治原则问题。顽固坚持资产阶级自由化的少数人,散布“共产党不能自己得病、自己治病”,理由是“不良作风和腐败现象发生在共产党内”,鼓吹只有建立“多党制”、实行“多元政治”和“异体监督”,才能根治腐败现象。很明显,这种论调的实质是要否定共产党的领导地位。我们认为,在中国,没有一个别的政党或组织能够领导反腐败斗争,只有中国共产党具有这     

对"自由人联合体"的再认识

马克思、恩格斯在《共产主义原理》、《共产党宣言》中，把社会主义和共产主义看作是资产阶级社会的直接对立物和代替物，并把未来的社会主义或共产主义社会称之为一个“联合体”。这个“联合体”被看作是联合起来的个人的集合，是首先实现了每个人的自由发展，并在此条件下能够使一切人的自由发展成为现实的自由人联合体。　　　　马克思、恩格斯所阐述的这样一个代替存在着阶级和阶级对立的资产阶级旧社会的自由人联合体，是建立在如下一些理论和认识的基础之上的：　　　　(1)过去的一切阶级在争得统治之后，总是使整个社会服从于它们发…     

坚持唯物论和无神论 树立科学世界观

我们对邪教“法轮功”的斗争是一场争夺群众、争夺思想阵地的严肃的政治斗争，关系到共产党人的根本信仰，关系到党和国家的前途和命运。邪教“法轮功”的出现，有着深刻的社会历史原因和复杂的国际背景，对它的政治本质和严重危害，在一段时间里没有引起我们足够的警觉，以至酿成１９８９年那场政治风波以来最严重的政治事件。我们同邪教“法轮功”的斗争，上升到哲学的高度，就是唯物论同唯心论、无神论同有神论、无产阶级世界观同资产阶级世界观的斗争。每个共产党员都要在这场斗争中，坚持唯物论和无神论，树立科学世界观。一辩证唯物主…     

Democracy as Procedure and Democracy as Regime

In the intellectual confusion prevailing since the demise of Marxism and "marxism", the attempt is made to define democracy as a matter of pure procedure, explicitly avoiding and condemning any reference to substantive objectives. It can easily be shown, however, that the idea of a purely procedural "democracy" is incoherent and self-contradictory. No legal system whatsoever and no government can exist in the absence of substantive conditions which cannot be left to chance or to the workings of the "market" but must be posited as objectives of political activity. The confusion results from a deficient understanding of what makes a society and an empty idea of "freedom". The objective of politics is not happiness, an affair to be left to the individuals, but it certainly is liberty understood as participation in the governance of the polity; it is also the pursuit of the common good, defined as the sum of the prerequisites and facilitations of individual autonomy depending on collective action, and as the realization of commonly agreed collective goals.     

Politics as Theory and Politics as Practice

In 1962, the late Professor Sir Bernard Crick published his seminal work In Defence of Politics. Fifty years on, formal political processes have never been in greater need of defending. In this article, former Home Secretary David Blunkett MP argues that in order to defend politics we need to change the way in which we ‘do’ our politics. In a 21st century response to Professor Crick's challenge to defend the role of politics in providing a counterweight to the financial markets and economic imperialism, Blunkett considers how it is possible to renew political democracy as a force for progressive change. The last five years of political and financial turmoil have seen politics smeared and even, in the case of Greece and Italy, elected governments removed and replaced by technocrats. With the power of government behind the people, it would be possible to foster a whole new spirit of seeing the political process as a way of organising, advising and yes funding a demand for something better from big institutions both public and private.     

Occupancy rights: dynamic as well as located

ABSTRACT

Anna Stilz’s Territorial Sovereignty (2019) aims to be a revisionist account of territorial rights that puts the value of individual autonomy first, without giving up the value of collective self-determination. In what follows I examine Stilz’s definition of occupancy rights and her emphasis on the moral relevance of what she calls ‘located’ life plans. I suggest that, if it aims at being truly revisionist, her theory should work with a broader definition of occupancy. So long as it doesn’t, these rights will be mainly the preserve of groups of settlers and peoples with predictable patterns of movement. Moreover, insofar as occupancy rights ground collective rights to self-determination, they actually have the potential to trump individual rights to what I call ‘dynamic’ or non-located occupancy. This is worrying, I claim, for at least two reasons. First, rights to dynamic occupancy are arguably as central for respecting individual autonomy as rights to located occupancy. And second, rights to dynamic ocupancy should be seen as key in helping to form the kind of political allegiances required to overcome the most pressing collective action problems that humanity faces.     

Partisanship as information

Intuitively, we associate different political parties with different types of policy. In contrast, this paper shows that in the absence of differential costs of membership among parties (that is, if party membership ischeap talk), party labels cannot perfectly signal the ideologies of candidates. However, under certain conditions parties can signal candidate types imperfectly. The paper therefore also provides an example of how costless communication can be effective in games of partial conflict.     

Business as usual

The tech stock crash of 2000 discredited the new economy as business model. This article introduces a journal special issue which takes up the challenge of putting new economy developments into this post-crash perspective and establishing long-run continuities, without discounting the importance of what happened. This article opens the debate by highlighting two themes in the articles that are collected together in the special issue: first, it discusses what was and is the new economy in the USA; second, it examines the relevance and resonance of the new economy in Europe.     

Cities as Lobbyists

Individual cities are active interest groups in lobbying the federal government, and yet the dynamics of this intergovernmental lobbying are poorly understood. We argue that preference incongruence between a city and its parent state government leads to underprovision of public goods, and cities need to appeal to the federal government for additional resources. We provide evidence for this theory using a data set of over 13,800 lobbying disclosures filed by cities with populations over 25,000 between 1999 and 2012. Income inequality and ethnic fragmentation are also highly related to federal lobbying activities. Using an instrumental variables analysis of earmark and Recovery Act grant data, we show that each dollar a city spends on lobbying generates substantial returns.     

Citizenship as horizon

The idea of citizenship has today emerged as a global horizon under which a proliferating range of claims and demands for recognition, visibility, care, moral dignity, and inclusion are made. Initially a legal concept tied to self-determination and national sovereignty, the global human rights agenda has made citizenship less tied to the nation-state and instead a carrier of multiple cultural and political meanings and agendas from the global level to the most localized context. But can there be meaningful forms of citizenship that are not guaranteed by a sovereign state?