刑法视野下的“人肉搜索”

人肉搜索发端于不断发展的互联网技术,是一种网民大量参与,为了探寻事实真相、人物信息的互动搜索方式,但其对特定公民信息的公开可能侵犯了他人的隐私权。人肉搜索不应该笼统地纳入刑法的规制范围,而应剖析人肉搜索中所包括的具体行为类型,结合现行刑法进行审视,为刑法调整人肉搜索开辟了一条可行之径。     

从"人肉搜索"看刑法对网络环境下个人隐私权的保护

“人肉搜索”是近年来随着互联网发展而出现的新事物，在一开始即存在巨大的争议，一方面促进了人与人之间的互动和交流；另一方面由于其特有的搜索机制，对公民隐私权的侵犯程度之大也是前所未有的。随着网络信息化程度的不断加深，法律对公民隐私权保护的传统方式受到了巨大的冲击。刑法作为保护公民人身权利的重要工具，必须随着社会的发展作出适当的调整，在规范网络发展的同时保护公民的合法权益，保障社会健康有序的发展。     

论新形势下依靠群众侦查原则的发展——“人肉搜索”之启迪

“人肉搜索”是独特的网络现象,随着其所展示出的功能日益强大,在学术界和实务部门已受到广泛关注.将“人肉搜索”运用于案件侦查有着重要的现实意义,这不仅是对群众路线在新时期的发展,同时又可拓展侦查途径与方法,对保护知情群众和对侦查工作进行有效监督也有重要价值.当然,“人肉搜索”运用于案件侦查也存在着公开性与保密性的冲突,也有侵犯隐私权、肖像权等人格权利之虞,甚至会误导侦查工作.因此必须从程序、立法、责任和技术等方面进行全面规制,进而保障其正面价值得到充分发挥.     

从刑法谦抑性看“人肉搜索”的入罪问题

近年来,＂人肉搜索＂作为一种新的社会现象引起了人们的广泛关注,其入罪出罪问题更是讨论较多的问题。《刑法修正案（七）》并未涉及＂人肉搜索＂是否入罪的问题。刑法谦抑性要求刑法具有补充性与最后性、宽容性和经济性,而＂人肉搜索＂入罪是不符合刑法谦抑性的内在价值蕴涵的,从这一意义上说,＂人肉搜索＂目前不宜入罪。     

“人肉搜索”网络行为中的隐私政策

＂人肉搜索＂自产生以来,大家对其褒贬不一,最大的争议就是＂人肉搜索＂容易引发对别人隐私权的侵犯。根据搜索目的,＂人肉搜索＂主要可归为公共事件型和窥探隐私型两类,对与人格尊严没有直接关系的个人信息,在不同的＂人肉搜索＂网络行为中是否构成侵犯隐私应做具体分析、区别对待。在对＂人肉搜索＂侵犯隐私权的责任认定上,应充分考虑侵权行为、侵权产生的后果、行为与后果间的因果关系、侵权人主观过错等构成要件,而如果侵权行为是为了维护公共利益或合法取自于公共场所,则可成为抗辩事由。     

“人肉搜素”中的伦理边界

近年来互联网兴起了一股"人肉搜索"的热潮,但是从其诞生的那一刻起,模糊的伦理边界,使其成为了一把双刃剑。分析了超出伦理边界的"人肉搜索"所引起的危机,并研究了就如何界定规范其边界,使得其能在保护公民合法权益的情况下,充分发挥社会舆论监督意义。     

试论“人肉搜索”应遵循的原则

"人肉搜索"是一门中性的技术,可以行善也可以作恶,因此应该对其进行必要的规制,遵循一定的原则。在借鉴网络产业发达国家有关网络隐私权保护法律制度的基础上,在"人肉搜索"网络行为中,必须注意公共利益,直接相关、适度,弱势群体特殊保护,公众人物权利克减,基本人格尊严保护,真实传播几项基本原则。     

治安秩序视域下的“人肉搜索”问题分析

"人肉搜索"是通过搜索引擎而搜寻信息的过程,是一个依托来自五湖四海的网民而不再依赖网络数据库的新型搜索工具.它变传统的网络信息搜索为人找人、人问人、人碰人、人挤人、人挨人的关系型网络社会活动,变枯燥乏味的查询过程为一人提问八方回应、一石激起千层浪、一声呼唤惊醒万颗心的人性化搜索体验."人肉搜索"可以在较短时间内揭露事件背后的真相,在一定程度上维护社会和道德秩序,并可以拓宽人们获取知识的途径.但它同时也引发了一系列道德和法律方面的问题.     

论对党政干部"八小时之外"的监督及其隐私权的保护

党政干部不同于普通民众,身份特殊,对其"八小时之外"的监督尤有必要;对党政干部"八小时之外"的监督,须健全监督机制,重视舆论监督的作用,并突出监督重点;对党政干部"八小时之外"的监督,须有度,不能侵犯其隐私权。当党政干部的隐私权与社会公众的监督权、知情权发生冲突时,党政干部的隐私权应有条件地让位于社会公众的监督权、知情权,以实现二者间的利益平衡。     

从"人肉搜索"看公民言论自由权与隐私权的对峙

互联网自诞生以来便以惊人的速度迅猛发展，如今甚至已成为大多数人生活中最为重要的工具和手段，成为社会绝大多数活动正常进行的必要途径。网络不仅仅作为一种工具或手段发挥作用，更重要的是它为人们提供了极为大的活动空间，各种言论、思想、讯息汇聚于此，又传播到世界各地。交流，应当是其在现代社会的最大功能。不过，网络给予人们极大自由的同时，也对人们的切身利益带来难以避免的风险，当下风行的“人肉搜索”，就是典型的例子。“人肉搜索”即是民众言论自由的体现，也对人们的隐私权构成极大威胁。对此，当然需要人们自身遵守必要的道德和法律要求，更为重要的是，我们应当特别强调社会公权力对此类新生事物所施加的影响。     

The theory of the state and politics: a central paradox of Marxism

It is commonplace to observe that while Marx saw the withering away of the state as necessary for communism, the state in ‘Communist’ societies has done anything but wither away. This seems to indicate a paradox in the Marxian theory, whose resolution would probably tend to undermine the theory itself. It is, however, argued that the expansion of the state in ‘Communist’ societies is only apparently contradictory to the Marxian theory, and that the theory in fact provides the basis for a most adequate account of this phenomenon. But the theory does have a genuinely paradoxical quality which lies in the tension between the political and its social basis, in the socialist movement. The fundamental component of the Marxian theory is its demonstration of the dependence of the state and politics on society; the problem then is the very status of ‘the political’ as a category, and especially the meaning of a ‘marxist politics’. Marxism itself demonstrates that the very existence of ‘politics in the direct and narrow sense of the word’ is the product of an alienated society, and yet it posits a politics which necessarily exists partly in this very sense. This paper considers the Marxian theory and the problems it tries to deal with, and attempts to show that the solution to its paradox lies in resolving the real tension between the social movement and its political expression. It will be argued that terms of the dilemma are being modified by changes in the relations between the state and society. These changes make a political solution of social contradictions more possible, precisely because they reduce the abstraction of politics from society.     

从破除官场不良“潜规则”入手遏制权力腐败

中国当前社会的一些腐败与不公正,在很大程度上要归因于显规则机制不健全和不良“潜规则”的泛滥。腐败行为高发现象与官场不良“潜规则”的蔓延之间存在着一种互动机制。现阶段,官场不良“潜规则”的存在有着复杂的社会历史原因和现实土壤。官场不良“潜规则”是政治运行中的一个痼疾,应采取有效措施破除官场不良“潜规则”。     

Veto player theory and reform making in Western Europe

Veto player theory generates predictions about governments’ capacity for policy change. Due to the difficulty of identifying significant laws needed to change the policy status quo, evidence about governments’ ability to change policy has been mostly provided for a limited number of reforms and single‐country studies. To evaluate the predictive power of veto player theory for policy making across time, policy areas and countries, a dataset was gathered that incorporates about 5,600 important government reform measures in the areas of social, labour, economic and taxation policy undertaken in 13 Western European countries from the mid‐1980s until the mid‐2000s. Veto player theory is applied in a combined model with other central theoretical expectations on policy change derived from political economy (crisis‐driven policy change) and partisan theory (ideology‐driven policy change). Robust support is found that governments introduce more reform measures when economic conditions are poor and when the government is positioned further away from the policy status quo. No empirical support is found for predictions of veto player theory in its pure form, where no differentiation between government types is made. However, the findings provide support for the veto player theory in the special case of minimal winning cabinets, where the support of all government parties is sufficient (in contrast to minority cabinets) and necessary (in contrast to oversized cabinets) for policy change. In particular, it is found that in minimal winning cabinets the ideological distance between the extreme government parties significantly decreases the government's ability to introduce reforms. These findings improve our understanding of reform making in parliamentary democracies and highlight important issues and open questions for future applications and tests of the veto player theory.     

Privacy and Technology: Reconsidering a Crucial Public Policy Debate in the Post-September 11 Era

In the post September 11 era, one truism in the ongoing public policy debate surrounding technology and privacy is that there is no easy solution to the increasing presence of technology in our lives. There are, however, several long-standing guiding principles. We must be wary of extending political authority to protect privacy without careful contemplation of the consequences. While it may appear that the idea of balancing technology and privacy is novel, the tension between them is informed by a broader theoretical framework that is inherent to democracy. Understanding this broader theoretical framework is helpful in identifying ways to advance the debate toward policy solutions rather than continuing a dogmatic discussion that juxtaposes technological innovation with the loss of privacy. The purpose of this discussion is not to settle the public policy debate. Instead, the aim is to consider how long-standing constitutional doctrine and the theoretical framework of democracy can lend insight into the current debate surrounding privacy and technology.     

当代中国行政管理模式转型：由“无限型”走向“两合型”

行政管理模式是政府为管理社会而形成的社会互动机制,按照社会资源配置主体的不同,可分为"无限型"、"两合型"和"有限型"三种。十一届三中全会前,我国政府选取的是"无限型"行政管理模式,其在发展过程中表现出了"事务式"管理理念、"行政命令"管理方式和"统一领导,分级管理"管理途径等特点。随着我国行政环境的日新月异,这种相对封闭、僵化的管理系统日益落后于时代的要求。十一届三中全会后,我国开始建设动态性的"两合型"行政管理模式,在其调适过程中,"服务式"管理理念逐渐树立、"法律式和经济式为主,行政式为辅"管理方式逐渐形成,"统一领导,因地制宜"管理途径逐渐理顺。"两合型"行政管理模式的这种调适为我国向"有限型"行政管理模式的转变创造了良好的条件。     

Social policy, freedom and individuality

Contemporary social policy lacks an account of the ends it serves. The reason for this is a laissez-faire policy regime where property right overwhelms the right of each individual to be a self-determining person. Laissez-faire policy creates a scarcity of public resources where a universalistic social policy cannot be afforded. A narrowly targeted social policy designed for the poor prevails: it is one where the poor are subject to state coercion. In the more expansive social policy associated with social democracy, the outcome of equality is championed but there is no coherent account of how this end can be reconciled with achieving freedom. The universal idea of the self-determining person is the basis of a rationale for social policy. Thus the end that social policy should serve is the development and sustaining of an individual who has the set of capabilities that he or she requires to be free in the sense of self-determining.     

"行乞权"之争的法理误区--兼评"法无明文禁止之处即可作权利的推定"命题

乞讨行为从来都不是一种被社会道德或国家法律所倡导的行为."行乞权"既不是公民的生存权,也不是一项"穷人的道德权利"或具有普遍意义的道德权利.在"行乞权"之争中,暴露出长期以来法理上,以及近些年来人们在人权理念上的种种误区.逻辑上和实践中,从法无明文禁止之处不能必然地推导出权利.人权不是一种排除义务的绝对权利,或可以凌驾于一切社会规范之上不含界限的一种特权.     

Social conflict over property rights: the end,a new beginning,or a continuing debate?

The ownership and control of private land is a core social value in the United States. Public planning can be seen as conflicting with this value. The long-standing tension between private property rights and public planning was heightened in the 1990s with the emergence of the so-called private property rights movement. This movement seeks to limit governmental authority over privately owned land through a multi-level strategy of legal, policy, political, and public relations actions. This paper explores the historical basis for this conflict, the legal framework within which it functions, and contemporary policy battles.

The paper concludes that there may be no final outcome to this debate. Property rights activists are impassioned and believe their view of history and law is correct. I argue that it may be best to see debate about land use and property rights as one of the central vehicles for a continual reframing of core values in the American experience.     

权力围猎场:腐败关系网络是如何搭建的——基于动机理论的行贿路径与腐败治理研究

当前我国法律反腐、制度反腐取得了长足进步,但腐败现象却趋向复杂化、隐蔽化和网络化,案件审理取证难,腐败治理面临新的瓶颈。基于动机理论,通过对腐败官员忏悔录的整理,围绕权力围猎场深入分析腐败双方的关系模式,构建由"规避检查的权力""行贿方式""人情文化""信任"四个维度组成的一般性腐败关系网络模型。研究发现,在权力围猎过程中,行贿者通过关系网络更容易实现对公共权力官员的围猎;在人情文化下,腐败双方的特殊利益互动过程是腐败信任关系的建立并不断强化的过程,且腐败行为主体之间的信任可实现关系网络内信任扩散、信任共享。腐败的治理,需要监管"规避检查的权力",优化权力结构和体制,明确"人情文化"与"行受贿"的法律边界。